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Text 4 The development of modem nationalism during the 16th century shifted attention to the problem of increasing the wealth and power of the various nation-states. The economic policy of the leaders of that time, known as mercantilism, sought to encourage national self-sufficiency. The heyday of the mercantilist school in England and Western Europe occurred during the 16th through the early 18th centuries. Mercantilists valued gold and silver as an index of national power. Without the gold and silver mines in the New World from which Spain drew its riches, a nation could accumulate these precious metals only by selling more merchandise to foreigners than it bought from them. This favorable balance of trade necessarily compelled foreigners to cover their deficits by shipping gold and silver. Mercantilists took for granted that their own country was either at war with its neighbors, recovering from a recent conflict, or getting ready to plunge into a new war. With gold and silver, a ruler could hire mercenaries to fight, a practice followed by King George III of the United Kingdom of Great Britain when he used Hessian troops during the American Revolution. As needed, the monarch could also buy weapons, uniforms, and food to supply the soldiers and sailors. Mercantilist preoccupation with precious metals also inspired several domestic policies. It was vital for a nation to keep wages low and the population large and growing. A large, ill-paid population produced more goods to be sold at low prices to foreigners. Ordinary men and women were encouraged to work hard and avoid such extravagances as tea, gin, ribbons, ruffles, and silks. It also followed that the earlier that children began to work, the better it was for their country's prosperity. One mercantilist writer had a plan for children of the poor: "When these children are four years old, they shall be sent to the county workhouse and there taught to read two hours a day and be kept fully employed the rest of the time in any of the manufactures of the house which best suits their age, strength, and capacity." As a coherent economic theory, classical economics starts with Smith, continues with the British economists Thomas Robert Malthus and David Ricardo, and culminates in the synthesis of John Stuart Mill, who as a young man was a follower of Ricardo. Although differences of opinion were numerous among the classical economists in the three-quarters of a century between Smith's Wealth of Nations and Mill's Principles of Political Economy (1848), members of the group agreed on major principles. All believed in private property, free markets, and, in Mill's words, that "only through the principle of competition has political economy any pretension to the character of a science." They shared Smith's strong suspicion of government and his ardent confidence in the power of self-interest represented by his famous "invisible hand," which reconciled public benefit with individual pursuit of private gain. From Ricardo, classicists derived the notion of diminishing returns, which held that as more labor and capital were applied to land, yields after "a certain and not very advanced stage in the progress of agriculture steadily diminished." Through Smith's emphasis on consumption, rather than on production, the scope of economics was considerably broadened. Smith was optimistic about the .chances of improving general standards of life. He called attention to the importance of permitting individuals to follow their self-interest as a means of promoting national prosperity. Malthus, on the other hand, in his enormously influential book An Essay on the Principle of Population (1798), imparted a tone of gloom to classical economics, arguing that hopes for prosperity were fated to founder on the rock of excessive population growth. Food, he believed, would increase in arithmetic ratio (2-4-6-8-10 and so on), but population tended to double in each generation (2-4-8-16-32 and so on) unless that doubling was checked either by nature or human prudence. According to Malthus, nature's check was "positive": "The power of population is so superior to the power of the earth to produce subsistence for man, that premature death must in some shape or other visit the human race." The shapes it took included war, epidemics, pestilence and plague, human vices, and famine, all combining to level the world's population with the world's food supply. The only escape from population pressure and the horrors of the positive check was in voluntary limitation of population, not by contraception, rejected on religious grounds by Malthus, but by late marriage and, consequently, smaller families. These pessimistic doctrines of classical economists earned for economics the epithet of the "dismal science." Mill's Principles of Political Economy was the leading text on the subject until the end of the 19th century. Although Mill accepted the major theories of his classical predecessors, he held out more hope than did Ricardo and Malthus that the working class could be educated into rational limitation of their own numbers. Mill was also a reformer who was quite willing to tax inheritances heavily and even to allow government a larger role in protecting children and workers. He was far more critical than other classical economists of business behavior and favored worker ownership of factories. Mill thus represents a bridge between classical laissez-faire economics and an emerging welfare state.36. The heyday of the mercantilist school in England and Western Europe occurred _____.a) in the 16th centuryb) in the 17th centuryc) in the 18th centuryd) during the 16th through the early 18th centuries 37. Which of the following statements is not true? ___a) Mercantilists valued gold and silver as an index of national power.b) Mercantilists emphasized the importance of agriculture.c) Mercantilists took for granted that their own country was either at war with its neighbors, recovering from a recent conflict, or getting ready to plunge into a new war.d) Mercantilism also inspired several domestic policies.38. As a coherent economic theory, classical economics starts with _________.a) Smith who wrote the Wealth of Nations.b) Mill who wrote the Principles of Political Economy.c) Ricardo who wrote the Principles of Political Economy and Taxationd) Malthus who wrote An Essay on the Principle of Population39.Which of the following statements is false? ______.a) All the classicists believed in private property, free markets and competition.b) All the classicists believed in the interference of government.c) All the classicists shared Smith's strong suspicion of government.d) All the classicists agreed with Smith's famous "invisible hand," which reconciled public benefit with individual pursuit of private gain. 40. Who represents a bridge between classical laissez-faire economics and an emerging welfare state? ______.a) Adam Smithb) John Millc) David Ricardod) Thomas Robert Malthus
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ⅠADCBCBDACCBACDC Ⅱ. 1. ruler 2. key 3. map 4. jacket 5.orange 6. pen 7. English 8. spell 9. what 10. please Ⅲ. 1. C I 和O都是元音字母。 2. B 字母I的笔划是三划。 3. C 题意:“这是一把钥匙吗?”“是的,它是。”问句是一般疑问句,应用yes或no来回答,B项中主语不能用that,D项前后矛盾,只有C项符合题意,故选C。 4. A 题意:“你的夹克真好看。”“谢谢。”对于别的赞扬,应该表示感谢,故选A。 5. B eye发音为[ai],与字母Ii同音。 6. B 题意:这用英语怎么说?介词in表示“用某种语言说”,故选B。 7. C 询问英文名称应该用“What‟s this in English?”,是固定句型。 8. B “Fine, Thank you. And you?”意为“很好,谢谢。你呢?”,回答一般是“I‟m fine, too.”,意为“我也很好。” 9. D 英语中元音字母一共有五个,分别是a, e, i, o, u, A项中的k,B项中的n和C项中的j均是辅音字母。 10. B 题意:我的名字是汤姆。my name是第三人称单数,故be动词用is。 11. A 题意:“这是什么?”“这是字母Q。”由答语可知问句是询问是什么东西,故选A。D项语序不对。 12. C 题意:“早上好。”“早上好。”当对方打招呼用Good morning.时,回应也用相同的语句。 13. A 题意:“你身体怎么样,海伦?”“我很好,谢谢。”询问某人近况用How are you, 尤其指身体状况。 14. C 题意:“晚上好,辛迪。”“晚上好。”跟某人打招呼,直接在招呼语之后说出名字即可,之前不加任何介词。名字首字母要大写,故选C。 15. C 题意:“这用英语怎么说?”“这是bike。”It‟s 是It is的缩写,It指代问句中的this,以避免重复,is是谓语动词。Ⅳ. 1. A 2. B 3. C4. C 5. C Ⅴ. 11.in 12. an 13. a 14.it 15. Q-U-I-L-T Ⅵ. 1. B 2. C 3. E 4. A 5. D Ⅶ. 1. Good morning. 2. Good afternoon.3. Good night. 4. I‟m sorry. 5. That‟s all right. 6. Thank you. 7. Excuse me. 8. Thank you. 9. What‟s this in English? 10. How do you do?