灰羽联盟
The Internet has changed a lot of things within the business world, including business correspondence. here once traditional, formal business letters were normal, quick business e-mails now rule the day. The ease and informality of the Internet often makes it seem we can write business e-mails poorly and get away with it; yet, it’s actually the contrary. Because e-mail is so accessible, people receive that much more of it and disregard anything less than perfect. Your business e-mails must stand out from the junk. The following tips will help you to create concise, engaging business e-mails for any purpose. 网络改变了商务世界的很多方面，商务信函便是其中之一。曾经，传统且正式的商务信件很常见，而今，快捷的商务电邮成为主流。网络的便捷性和随意性常常让我们觉得，似乎商务电邮写得糟糕没什么大不了的。然而，事实恰好相反。因为写一封电子邮件太轻而易举了，所以人们收到那么多之后，便只处理那些写得好的——你的商务电邮必须从电邮堆中脱颖而出才行。以下要点能帮助你写出适用于任何目的的简洁、抢眼的商务电邮。 STYLE The human eye reacts differently to a computer screen than a piece of paper, so how you format your e-mail is vital. Use short, succinct sentences that get to the point immediately; remember, your goal here is to dispense important information, so give that to the reader right up front. Always include a greeting and a signature, and use as many line and paragraph breaks as possible; this makes the e-mail easier to read. And resist the urge to write a book. Business e-mails are better off short; the equivalent of a page or so is sufficient. 风格 人眼对电脑屏幕和纸张的反应不同，所以如何安排电邮的格式非常重要。使用短小简洁的句子直奔主题；记住，写电邮的目的是为了传达重要信息，所以要让读邮件的人首先看到要点。不管什么情况都要包含问候语和署名，并且尽量多折行多分段——这能使邮件更易读。还有，要抑制长篇大论的冲动：商务电邮最好简短；相当于一页纸左右的量就足够了。 TONE For better or worse, the Internet breeds a nasty habit of informality. It’s okay to be slightly informal with your e-mail (people tend to expect it lately), but don’t write as if you’re talking to your mother or best friend. You need to strike a balance between traditional formality and e-mail informality. Think about your recipient and how they’d most likely write an e-mail. What words would they use? Would slang or jargon offend your readers? Use these considerations to create a concise, customized e-mail. 语气 暂不论其好坏，网络滋生了“非正式”交流的恶习。电邮稍微非正式一点没有关系（人们最近开始接受了），但是不要写得好像是在跟妈妈或最好的朋友谈话一样。你需要在传统意义上的正式和电邮的非正式中找到平衡。想想收件人的风格，以及他们最可能怎样写电邮。他们会使用什么词汇？俚语或行话会不会冒犯到读邮件的人？将这些因素考虑在内，才能写出一封有针对性的简洁邮件。 GRAMMAR Informality, whatever its root, does not excuse grammatical errors, and these can damage your e-mail. Grammatical errors show that you didn’t put much time into your business e-mail and you probably don’t care much about your message. Go through your e-mail carefully to make sure you have spelled correctly, and you have fixed all grammar and punctuation mistakes. Remove all redundancies and get rid of any clichés. Recipients, especially professional business people, will appreciate your attention to details and they will respond better to your message when no errors exist in your e-mail. 语法 不管“非正式”如何发展而来，这都不意味着允许犯语法错误—这些错误会毁了你的电邮。语法错误说明你没有在商务电邮上下多少功夫，而且你很可能不太在乎你所传达的信息。仔细通读电邮，以确定拼写正确，并且修订了所有的语法和标点错误。删除所有的多余信息和陈词滥调。收件人—尤其是那些职业商人—会很欣赏你注重细节，而且，如果你发给他们的电邮里没有错误的话，他们会态度更好地回复你的消息。 RESPONSE Since e-mail is an immediate medium, and a highly accessible one at that, it’s far easier than in paper letters to request a response – and far more likely that you’ll get one! Before signing off with your signature, be clear about what you want the recipient to do. Need a response via phone or with certain information attached? Say so! Your recipient will have a difficult time responding if they have no idea what you want from them. But remember: be polite when requesting action. There’s little worse than an overly forward or pushy ending. 回复 电邮是即时媒体， 也因此是一个高度普及的媒体。和纸质邮件相比，通过电邮要求对方回复更便捷—而且，你更有可能收到回复！在落款之前，一定要清楚你期望收件人做什么。需要电话回复还是附上特定的信息？ 说出来！ 如果收件人不知道你想要什么，他们答复你的时候就会很费神。但要记住：要求回复时一定要客气。几乎没有什么比在邮件结束时过度催促或强求更糟糕了。
棉花糖夫人
I HAVE A DREAM 我有一个梦想 如下：Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"5评分几年前，一位伟大的美国人，在其象征的阴影我们签署了解放宣言。这一重要的法令是一个伟大的指路明灯的希望数以百万计的黑人奴隶谁已经烙在火焰枯萎不公正。这是一个欢乐的黎明，结束漫漫长夜的囚禁。但是，百年之后，我们必须面对的悲惨事实，即黑人仍然没有自由。 一百多年后，生活的黑人仍是可悲的残废了手铐的隔离和歧视的锁链。一百多年后，黑人生活在一个孤独的岛屿贫困正处在远隔重洋的物质繁荣。 100年后的今天，黑人仍挣扎在弯道中的美国社会，并认为自己是流亡在自己的土地。 因此，我们今天来到这里，开始表现令人震惊的状况。从某种意义上讲，我们来到我们国家的首都，以现金支票。当我们共和国的缔造者的宏伟话写在宪法和独立宣言，他们签署了期票的每一个美国人是属于继承人。 这说明是一个承诺，所有的人将得到保障不可剥夺的权利，生命权，自由权和追求幸福。很显然，美国今天已经拖欠本本票，因为她的公民的颜色感到关切。不是纪念这一神圣的义务，美国的黑人提供了一个坏的人检查了回来标有“足够的资金。 ”但是，我们拒绝相信，正义是银行破产。我们拒绝认为，没有足够的资金在大拱顶的机会，这个国家。 所以，我们来兑现这张支票-支票这将给予我们的需求财富的自由和安全的正义。我们还来到这个神圣的位置，提醒美国的紧迫性，现在激烈。这是没有时间去从事豪华降温或采取安定药物的渐进。现在是时候
