霍爾因斯基
Mai letzten Jahres, die vielleicht verdient der deutschen Geschichte und der Erinnerung an den Krieg begann. Wir sind in ein paar Tagen, besiegt den Feind auf der Vorderseite, und dann öffnete der weltweit größte Auftakt zu einem Kampf der Vernichtung. Zusammenbruch von Frankreich, Belgien und den Niederlanden wurden gefangen genommen, die Reste des britischen Expeditionskorps Kraft wurde aus dem europäischen Kontinent, Soldaten ziehen einen Anhänger, verschwunden.19 Juli 1940, ich glaube, dass wir alle noch daran erinnern, Sie, ich, um die Ergebnisse weiter ausbauen. Drei Mal den Kongress zu überzeugen. Ich nutze die Gelegenheit dieses Treffens im Namen aller Zivilisten und Offiziere und Männer der Streitkräfte, um meinen Dank an eine brillante Ergebnisse bedeutet.Ich habe immer und immer wieder warten auf eine Gelegenheit, um die Herbeiführung des Friedens in der ganzen Welt. Vision und ein Gefühl ich nicht Sim wahr, meinen Frieden Vorschlag wurde missverstanden, der Feind des Friedens mit dem Gedanken, dass ich nicht anders aus feige schrumpfen. 7. Europa und den Vereinigten Staaten immer wieder zu verwechseln Militanten von der öffentlichen Meinung, sie wissen, gibt es keine Möglichkeit für den Sieg, sondern um ihnen einige Leute wie eine Seifenblase wird aufgeschlüsselt, wie eine neue Hoffnung. Dann wird der Druck der Öffentlichkeit, kombiniert mit Eintreten Zeitung, Kämpfer, die nie eine Verlockung für ihr Land den Kampf encaged Tiere.Ich warne sie, dass wir in dicht besiedelten Gebieten in der Nacht Explosion, Churchill warnte meine Inkompetenz als die Deutsche Mark. Die Geschichte der bekanntesten und Hobby-Strategen blutrünstige maniac, sondern auch, dass die deutsche Luftwaffe ist nicht gut zu erkennen in den letzten Monaten, das heißt, wir können nicht fliegen in der Nacht und beweisen Sie es? 9. Daher, Winston Churchill auf der schlechten alten Zeit betrügen mehrere Monate allein, das britische Volk glauben, dass die Royal Air Force - keine Hilfe mehr benötigen, andere -, können wir gewinnen den Krieg, sie "erfunden" eine Reihe von Mitteln und Methoden der zwingen uns zu Empire erliegen, werden sie haben, um die US-Luftwaffe bombardiert gnadenlos dicht besiedelten Gebieten, und die taktischen Hunger.Obwohl ich mich Warnung, sich wieder und wieder, ich will dieses einzigartige Luft, ich habe eine Reihe von Drei-Monats-Warnung sie. Doch diese Warnungen wurden praktisch sich taub wie Churchill. Seltsam Diese Person ist es egal, wie andere Menschen den Tod? Er nur die kulturellen und architektonischen?Beachten Sie, dass der Krieg ausbrach, Churchill ist sehr klar, dass er sollte allein Schlacht, auch die großen Städte des Vereinigten Königreichs zu einem Haufen von Schuttauch Kosten. So Er ist jetzt ein intensiviert.Ich kann Ihnen versichern, dass, wenn ich die Dauer der Zeit, wenn er uns eine Bombe und, wenn nötig, werde ich sie wieder 100 Bomben, aber immer noch nicht verstehen, dass ihm sein Verhalten zu bestrafen, das Volk Gottes waren. Er behauptete, dass er die Hoffnung nicht aufgeben, er selbst hat uns versichert, dass egal wie stark wir sind Bombardierung, das britische Volk wird Abschied zu seiner Rückkehr in die London Array.Voraussichtlich Abschied zu diesem Paar von Bildern ist eine verstärkte Churchills Entschlossenheit, Operationen, wir sind auch entschlossen, auf diese zu antworten, das heißt, wenn nötig, werden zu 100 Bomben habe, um ihm eine Bombe explodierte es ständig, bis das britische Volk aufgegeben Spieß seine Verbrechen und seine teuflischen enden.Diese täuschen, er hatte das deutsche Volk zu verraten mir, wenn sie nachweisen können, dass es nicht leiden, Lepra wird von einer Gruppe von betrunken crazy verrückt in der Sprache. Wegen seiner abnormen psychischen, bevor sie entscheidet, zu einer Bühne für die Balkan-Krieg.Die Idioten in den letzten fünf Jahren wurde in Europa wie verrückt überspringen entlang, in der Hoffnung zu finden, die Möglichkeit, Feuer. Es ist bedauerlich, dass er immer wieder festgestellt, dass die Länder der Vampire freigegeben wurden in ihrem Haus zu einem Brand.Er vergangenen Winter machen leere Versprechungen großen Lüge sich auf das amerikanische Volk glauben, dass mit dem Deutschen Reich in den letzten Monaten über den Krieg verloren, ist jetzt an der Schwelle des Todes, er weiß auch,so Er hat die erforderlicheneinen Krieg in Europa.Seine Pläne so früh wie im Herbst 1939 und Frühjahr 1940, gab es. Zu dieser Zeit, die Situation im Vereinigten Königreich, so dass er mobilisiert werden könnten, um etwa 100 Piloten. Allerdings, im Mai und Juni des vergangenen Jahres, wurden wir Zeugen einer plötzlichen und schweren Niederlage der Briten, so dass er den Plan abgebrochen. Allerdings, im Herbst des vergangenen Jahres, Churchill wollte dieses Problem zu lösen.Yijun Tanks und als Folge der Anti-Tank-Waffen einen eindeutigen Vorteil, die umgekehrte Situation in Nord-Afrika, Winston Churchill Ich glaube, das ist die beste Zeit, er kann eine Bühne für den Krieg in Griechenland aus Libyen wurde. Er befahl den Tanks und den Transport der Rest von Australien und Neuseeland vor allem durch die Zusammensetzung der restlichen Stärke der Infanterie-Division, denkt er, er könne jetzt Erreichung der Verschwörung, so kann er beginnen A Prairie Feuer auf dem Balkan Krieg.Daher ist dies Churchill, die in diesem Krieg die größten strategischen Fehler. Ich habe nicht die Absicht,britische Festung auf dem Balkan nach dem Sieg, sondern auch die erforderlichen Schritte. 20. Deutsch Gentleman der Trick ist, um eine enge, gesammelt und die notwendige Kraft zu knacken auf ihn. Deutschland hat nicht Sinn Feuer auf dem Balkan. Auf der anderen Seite haben wir eine faire Art und Weise, so weit wie möglich, im Hinblick auf die Beilegung des Streits mit Griechenland, natürlich sind diese Methoden auch im Einklang mit den Rechtsvorschriften in der Hoffnung, von Italien.Italienischen Führer nicht nur vereinbart, sondern auch die volle Unterstützung unserer Bemühungen um Frieden in Jugoslawien, im Einklang mit unserem Ziel der Unterzeichnung der bilateralen Abkommen. Schließlich wird die jugoslawische Regierung vereinbart, drei hegemonialen Konventionen, Jugoslawien, welche Pflichten haben keine negativen, solange genug für uns, Deshalb, am 26. März dieses Jahres haben wir in Wien, um sicherzustellen, dass Jugoslawien nicht in die Zukunft von außen, und garantiert den Frieden auf dem Balkan. Herren, Sie glauben nicht, dass ich mich von Tag zu verlassen, die schöne Stadt an der Donau war voll des Glücks, und zwar nicht nur, weil er die Kristallisation von acht Jahren der Außenpolitik, sondern auch, weil ich glaube, dass von diesem Moment an kann Deutschland nicht mehr an dem Balkan .Wir sind alle Nachrichten Junta wurde versteinerte, diese Nachricht ist eine Gruppe von Verrat wurde für den Kauf des Anti-Genehmigung Auftragnehmer, die auch in der britischen Premierministers Nachweis mit Spannung das erste Mal, dass er erkläre die ganze Good News das Vereinigte Königreich. P024. Herren, ich bin sicher, Sie werden verstehen, dass ich diesen mündlichen Verhandlung habe ich sofort bestellt den Angriff auf Jugoslawien. Reich ist es nicht möglich für ein paar Jahre, die Unterzeichnung der politischen Parteien in anderen Ländern und nützliche, aber plötzlich festgestellt, dass die Zerstörung von einseitig, und sie sind eine Beleidigung für unsere Botschafter des Deutschen Reiches, die begleitenden Beamten der militärischen Bedrohung, Körperverletzung die offizielle Residenz der Assistenten, sondern auch beschädigt Eigentum der Deutschen, das deutsche Volk die Häuser dem Erdboden gleichgemacht, und drohte mit der Missbrauch unzählige Deutschen.Gott weiß, ich bin ein friedliebender. Aber Gott sei Dank, es hat mir sind frei zur Verwendung der Mittel zur Verteidigung der Interessen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Ich bin sehr ruhig, die zum Zeitpunkt für die Bestimmung des Erdgeschosses. Weil ich weiß, dass ich auf meinem Wing Bulgarien unerschütterliche Loyalität gegenüber Loyalität zu Deutschland und Ungarn gespielt zu wissen, über diese Empörung.Das Ergebnis dieser Schlacht war eine besondere. Hard Belgrad durch die Elemente kann dazu führen, dass eine Handvoll der interkontinentalen scheint durch die Tatsache, dass wir sofort diese Gefahr zu beseitigen, gibt es Grund zur Beseitigung der Spannungen in Europa, eine Quelle von Schwierigkeiten.Wir haben die Stärkung des Schutzes der Donau dieser wichtigen Wasserstraße, um sich gegen Schäden an mehr Menschen, der Verkehr wurde eine völlig glatt.Neben einer entsprechenden Patch als Folge des Ausbruchs des Zweiten Weltkrieges und der Front gegen die deutschendiese Orte sind nicht für die Lust. Auf politischer Ebene sind wir nur in den Schutz des Friedens in der Region, und auf wirtschaftlicher Ebene, wie wir hoffen, um zu sehen, die Wiederherstellung der sozialen Ordnung, um die Produkt-und reibungslosen Fluss von Waren, der Nutzen aller.Allerdings, zusätzlich zu den höchsten Einsatz von der Messe, sie müssen auch die Herkunft, Geschichte und Wirtschaft.Ich kann Ihnen versichern, dass ich es einfach für unsere Zukunft, sondern auch ein gutes Maß an Vertrauen. Deutsch Reich und seine Verbündeten, die beide in Kraft, militärische, wirtschaftliche und moralische Aspekte insbesondere, als die Welt des guten zu Föderation. Deutsch-Truppen, so lange wie nötig, zu jeder Zeit Haben Sie keine Angst vor Herausforderungen. Deutsch Vertrauen sollte stets begleiten ihre Soldaten!
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BERLIN, REICHSTAG SPEECH OF MAY 4, 1941 Deputies. Men of the German Reichstag: At a time when only deeds count and words are of little importance, it is not my intention to appear before you, the elected representatives of the German people, more often than absolutely necessary. The first time I spoke to you was at the outbreak of the war when, thanks to the Anglo-French conspiracy against peace, every attempt at an understanding with Poland, which otherwise would have been possible, had been frustrated. The most unscrupulous men of the present time had, as they admit today, decided as early as 1936 to involve the Reich, which in its peaceful work of reconstruction was becoming too powerful for them, in a new and bloody war and, if possible, to destroy it. They had finally succeeded in finding a State that was prepared for their interests and aims, and that State was Poland. All my endeavors to come to an understanding with Britain were wrecked by the determination of a small clique which, whether from motives of hate or for the sake of material gain, rejected every German proposal for an understanding due to their resolve, which they never concealed, to resort to war, whatever happened. The man behind this fanatical and diabolical plan to bring about war at whatever cost was Mr. Churchill. His associates were the men who now form the British Govern- ment. These endeavors received most powerful support, both openly and secretly, from the so-called great democracies on both sides of the Atlantic. At a time when the people were more and more dissatisfied with their deficient statesmanship, the responsible men over there believed that a successful war would be the most likely means of solving problems that otherwise would be beyond their power to solve. Behind these men there stood the great international Jewish financial interests that control the banks and the Stock Exchange as well as the armament industry. And now, just as before, they scented the opportunity of doing their unsavory business. And so, just as before, there was no scruple about sacrificing the blood of the peoples. That was the beginning of this war. A few weeks later the State that was the third country in Europe, Poland, but had been reckless enough to allow herself to be used for the financial interests of these warmongers, was annihilated and destroyed. In these circumstances I considered that I owed it to our German people and countless men and women in the opposite camps, who as individuals were as decent as they were innocent of blame, to make yet another appeal to the common sense and the conscience of these statesmen. On October 6, 1939, I therefore once more publicly stated that Germany had neither demanded nor intended to demand anything either from Britain or from France, that it was madness to continue the war and, above all, that the scourge of modern weapons of warfare, once they were brought into action, would inevitably ravage vast territories. But just as the appeal I made on September 1, 1939, proved to be in vain, this renewed appeal met with indignant rejection. The British and their Jewish capitalist backers could find no other explanation for this appeal, which I had made on humanitarian grounds, than the assumption of weakness on the part of Germany. They assured the people of Britain and France that Germany dreaded the clash to be expected in the spring of 1940 and was eager to make peace for fear of the annihilation that would then inevitably result. Already at that time the Norwegian Government, misled by the stubborn insistence of Mr. Churchill's false prophecies, began to toy with the idea of a British landing on their soil, thereby contributing to the destruction of Germany by permitting their harbors and Swedish iron ore fields to be seized. So sure were Mr. Churchill and Paul Reynaud of the success of their new scheme that finally, whether from sheer recklessness or perhaps under the influence of drink, they deemed it no longer necessary to make a secret of their intentions. It was thanks to these two gentlemen's tendency to gossip that the German Government at that time gained cognizance of the plans being made against the Reich. A few weeks later this danger to Germany was eliminated. One of the boldest deeds of arms in the whole history of warfare frustrated the attack of the British and French armies against the right flank of our line of defense. Immediately after the failure of these plans, increased pressure was exerted by the British warmongers upon Belgium and Holland. Now that the attack upon our sources for the supply of iron ore had proved unsuccessful, they aimed to advance the front to the Rhine by involving the Belgian and Dutch States and thus to threaten and paralyze our production centers for iron and steel. On May 10 of last year perhaps the most memorable struggle in all German history commenced. The enemy front was broken up in a few days and the stage was then set for the operation that culminated in the greatest battle of annihilation in the history of the world. Thus France collapsed, Belgium and Holland were already occupied, and the battered remnants of the British expeditionary force were driven from the European continent, leaving their arms behind. On July 19, 1940, I then convened the German Reichstag for the third time in order to render that great account which you all still remember. The meeting provided me with the opportunity of expressing the thanks of the nation to its soldiers in a form suited to the uniqueness of the event. Once again I seized the opportunity of urging the world to make peace. And what I foresaw and prophesied at that time happened. My offer of peace was misconstrued as a symptom of fear and cowardice. The European and American warmongers succeeded once again in befogging the sound common sense of the masses, who can never hope to profit from this war, by conjuring up false pictures of new hope. Thus, finally, under pressure of public opinion, as formed by their press, they once more managed to induce the nation to continue this struggle. Even my warnings against night bombings of the civilian population, as advocated by Mr. Churchill, were interpreted as a sign of German impotence. He, the most bloodthirsty or amateurish strategist that history has ever known, actually saw fit to believe that the reserve displayed for months by the German Air Force could be looked upon only as proof of their incapacity to fly by night. So this man for months ordered his paid scribblers to deceive the British people into believing that the Royal Air Force alone - and no others - was in a position to wage war in this way, and that thus ways and means had been found to force the Reich to its knees by the ruthless onslaught of the British Air Force on the German civilian population in conjunction with the starvation blockade. Again and again I uttered these warnings against this specific type of aerial warfare, and I did so for over three and a half months. That these warnings failed to impress Mr. Churchill does not surprise me in the least. For what does this man care for the lives of others? What does he care for culture or for architecture? When war broke out he stated clearly that he wanted to have his war, even though the cities of England might be reduced to ruins. So now he has got his war. My assurances that from a given moment every one of his bombs would be returned if necessary a hundredfold failed to induce this man to consider even for an instant the criminal nature of his action. He professes not to be in the least depressed and he even assures us that the British people, too, after such bombing raids, greeted him with a joyous serenity, causing him to return to London refreshed by his visits to the stricken areas. It is possible that this sight strengthened Mr. Churchill in his firm determination to continue the war in this way, and we are no less determined to continue to retaliate, if necessary, a hundred bombs for every one of his and to go on doing so until the British nation at last gets rid of this criminal and his methods. The appeal to forsake me, made to the German nation by this fool and his satellites on May Day, of all days, are only to be explained either as symptomatic of a paralytic disease or of a drunkard's ravings. His abnormal state of mind also gave birth to a decision to transform the Balkans into a theater of war. For over five years this man has been chasing around Europe like a madman in search of something that he could set on fire. Unfortunately, he again and again finds hirelings who open the gates of their country to this international incendiary. After he had succeeded in the course of the past winter in persuading the British people by a wave of false assertions and pretensions that the German Reich, exhausted by the campaign in the preceding months, was completely spent, he saw himself obliged, in order to prevent an awakening of the truth, to create a fresh conflagration in Europe. In so doing he returned to the project that had been in his mind as early as the autumn of 1939 and the spring of 1940. It was thought possible at the time to mobilize about 100 divisions in Britain's interest. The sudden collapse which we witnessed in May and June of the past year forced these plans to be abandoned for the moment. But by the autumn of last year Mr. Churchill began to tackle this problem once again. In the meantime, however, certain difficulties had arisen. As a result, Rumania, owing to internal changes, dropped out of England's political scheme. In dealing with these conditions, I shall begin by giving you a brief outline of the aims of Germany's policy in the Balkans. As in the past, the Reich never pursued any territorial or any other selfish political interest in the Balkans. In other words, the Reich has never taken the slightest interest in territorial problems and internal conditions in these States for any selfish reason whatsoever. On the other hand, the Reich has always endeavored to build up and to strengthen close economic ties with these States in particular. This, however, not only served the interests of the Reich but equally the interests of these countries themselves. If any two national economic systems ever effectively complemented one another, that is especially the case regarding the Balkan States and Germany. Germany is an industrial country and requires foodstuffs and raw materials. The Balkan States are agrarian countries and are short of these raw materials. At the same time, they require industrial products. It was therefore hardly surprising when Germany thus became the main business partner of the Balkan States. Nor was this in Germany's interest alone, but also in that of the Balkan peoples themselves. AND NONE BUT OUR JEW-RIDDEN DEMOCRACIES, WHICH CAN THINK ONLY IN TERMS OF CAPITALISM, CAN MAINTAIN THAT IF ONE STATE DELIVERS MACHINERY TO ANOTHER STATE IT THEREBY DOMINATES THAT OTHER STATE. IN ACTUAL FACT SUCH DOMINATION, IF IT OCCURS, CAN BE ONLY A RECIPROCAL DOMINATION. It is presumably easier to be without machinery than without food and raw materials. Consequently, the partner in need of raw material and foodstuffs would appear to be more tied down than the recipient of industrial products. IN THIS TRANSACTION THERE WAS NEITHER CONQUEROR NOR CONQUERED. THERE WERE ONLY PARTNERS. The German Reich of the National Socialist revolution has prided itself on being a fair and decent partner, offering in exchange high-quality products instead of worthless democratic paper money. For these reasons the Reich was interested in only one thing if, indeed, there was any question of political interest, namely, in seeing that internally the business partner was firmly established on a sound and healthy basis. THE APPLICATION OF THIS IDEA LED IN FACT NOT ONLY TO INCREASING PROSPERITY IN THESE COUNTRIES BUT ALSO TO THE BEGINNING OF MUTUAL CONFIDENCE. All the greater, however, became the endeavor of that world incendiary, Churchill, to put an end to this peaceful development and by shamelessly imposing upon these States utterly worthless British guarantees and promises of assistance to introduce into this peaceable European territory elements of unrest, uncertainty, distrust and, finally, conflict. Originally, Rumania was first won over by these guarantees and later, of course, Greece. It has, meanwhile, probably been sufficiently demonstrated that he had absolutely no power of any kind to provide real help and that these guarantees were merely intended to rope these States in to follow the dangerous trend of filthy British politics. RUMANIA HAS HAD TO PAY BITTERLY FOR THE GUARANTEES, WHICH WERE CALCULATED TO ESTRANGE HER FROM THE AXIS POWERS. Greece, which least of all required such a guarantee, was offered her share to link her destiny to that of the country that provided her King with cash and orders. EVEN TODAY I FEEL THAT I MUST, AS I BELIEVE IN THE INTEREST OF HISTORICAL ACCURACY, DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE GREEK PEOPLE AND THAT THIN TOP LAYER OF CORRUPT LEADERS WHO, INSPIRED BY A KING WHO HAD NO EYES FOR THE DUTY OF TRUE LEADERSHIP, PREFERRED INSTEAD TO FURTHER THE AIMS OF BRITISH WAR POLITICS. To me this is a subject of profound regret. Germany, with the faint hope of still being able to contribute in some way to a solution of the problem, had not severed relations with Greece. But even then I was bound in duty to point out before the whole world that we would not tacitly allow a revival of the old Salonika scheme of the Great War. Unfortunately, my warning was not taken seriously enough. That we were determined, if the British tried to gain another foothold in Europe, to drive them back into the sea was not taken seriously enough. The result was that the British began in an increasing degree to establish bases for the formation of a new Salonika army. They began by laying out airdromes and by establishing the necessary ground organization in the firm conviction that the occupation of the airdromes themselves could afterward be carried out very speedily. Finally a continuous stream of transports brought equipment for an army which, according to Mr. Churchill's idea and plans, was to be landed in Greece. As I have said, already we were aware of this. For months we watched this entire strange procedure with attention, if with restraint. The reverses suffered by the Italian Army in North Africa, owing to a certain material inferiority of their tanks and anti-tank guns, finally led Mr. Churchill to believe that the time was ripe to transfer the theater of war from Libya to Greece. He ordered the transport of the remaining tanks and of the infantry division, composed mainly of Anzacs, and was convinced that he could now complete his scheme, which was to set the Balkans aflame. THUS DID MR. CHURCHILL COMMIT ONE OF THE GREATEST STRATEGIC BLUNDERS OF THIS WAR. As soon as there could be no further doubt regarding Britain's intentions of gaining a foothold in the Balkans, I took the necessary steps. Germany, by keeping pace with these moves, assembled the necessary forces for the purpose of counteracting any possible tricks of that gentleman. In this connection I must state categorically that this action was not directed against Greece. The Duce did not even request me to place one single German division at his disposal for this purpose. He was convinced that with the advent of good weather his stand against Greece would have been brought to a successful conclusion. I was of the same opinion. The concentration of German forces was therefore not made for the purpose of assisting the Italians against Greece. It was a precautionary measure against the British attempt under cover of the clamor caused by the Italo-Greek war to intrench themselves secretly in the Balkans in order to force the issue from that quarter on the model of the Salonika army during the World War, and, above all, to draw other elements into the whirlpool. This hope was founded principally on two States, namely, Turkey and Yugoslavia. But with these very States I have striven during the years since I came into power to establish close co-operation. The World War actually started from Belgrade. Nevertheless, the German people, who are by nature so ready to forgive and forget, felt no animosity toward that country. Turkey was our ally in the World War. The unfortunate outcome of that struggle weighed upon that country just as heavily as it did upon us. The great genius who created the new Turkey was the first to set a wonderful example of recovery to our allies whom fortune had at that time deserted and whom fate had dealt so terrible a blow. Whereas Turkey, thanks to the practical attitude of her leaders, preserved her independence in carrying out her own resolutions, Yugolsavia fell a victim to British intrigue. Most of you, especially my old Party comrades among you, know what efforts I have made to establish a straightforward understanding and indeed friendly relations between Germany and Yugoslavia. In pursuance of this aim Herr von Ribbentrop, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, submitted to the Yugoslav Government proposals that were so outstanding and so fair that at least even the Yugoslav State of that time seemed to become increasingly eager for such close co-operation. Germany had no intention of starting a war in the Balkans. On the contrary, it was our honest intention as far as possible to contribute to a settlement of the conflict with Greece by means that would be tolerable to the legitimate wishes of Italy. The Duce not only consented to but lent his full support to our efforts to bring Yugoslavia into a close community of interests with our peace aims. Thus it finally became possible to induce the Yugoslav Government to join the Threepower Pact, which made no demands whatever on Yugoslavia but only offered that country advantages. Thus on March 26 of this year a pact was signed in Vienna that offered the Yugoslav State the greatest future conceivable and could have assured peace for the Balkans. Believe me, gentlemen, on that day I left the beautiful city of the Danube truly happy not only because it seemed as though almost eight years of foreign policies had received their reward but also because I believed that perhaps at the last moment German intervention in the Balkans might not be necessary. We were all stunned by the news of that coup, carried through by a handful of bribed conspirators who had brought about the event that caused the British Prime Minister to declare in joyous words that at last he had something good to report. 写不开的，字数有限，请你到这个网址：
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