希特勒演讲稿英文

BERLIN, REICHSTAG SPEECH OF MAY 4, 1941 Deputies. Men of the German Reichstag: At a time when only deeds count and words are of little importance, it is not my intention to appear before you, the elected representatives of the German people, more often than absolutely necessary. The first time I spoke to you was at the outbreak of the war when, thanks to the Anglo-French conspiracy against peace, every attempt at an understanding with Poland, which otherwise would have been possible, had been frustrated. The most unscrupulous men of the present time had, as they admit today, decided as early as 1936 to involve the Reich, which in its peaceful work of reconstruction was becoming too powerful for them, in a new and bloody war and, if possible, to destroy it. They had finally succeeded in finding a State that was prepared for their interests and aims, and that State was Poland. All my endeavors to come to an understanding with Britain were wrecked by the determination of a small clique which, whether from motives of hate or for the sake of material gain, rejected every German proposal for an understanding due to their resolve, which they never concealed, to resort to war, whatever happened. The man behind this fanatical and diabolical plan to bring about war at whatever cost was Mr. Churchill. His associates were the men who now form the British Govern- ment. These endeavors received most powerful support, both openly and secretly, from the so-called great democracies on both sides of the Atlantic. At a time when the people were more and more dissatisfied with their deficient statesmanship, the responsible men over there believed that a successful war would be the most likely means of solving problems that otherwise would be beyond their power to solve. Behind these men there stood the great international Jewish financial interests that control the banks and the Stock Exchange as well as the armament industry. And now, just as before, they scented the opportunity of doing their unsavory business. And so, just as before, there was no scruple about sacrificing the blood of the peoples. That was the beginning of this war. A few weeks later the State that was the third country in Europe, Poland, but had been reckless enough to allow herself to be used for the financial interests of these warmongers, was annihilated and destroyed. In these circumstances I considered that I owed it to our German people and countless men and women in the opposite camps, who as individuals were as decent as they were innocent of blame, to make yet another appeal to the common sense and the conscience of these statesmen. On October 6, 1939, I therefore once more publicly stated that Germany had neither demanded nor intended to demand anything either from Britain or from France, that it was madness to continue the war and, above all, that the scourge of modern weapons of warfare, once they were brought into action, would inevitably ravage vast territories. But just as the appeal I made on September 1, 1939, proved to be in vain, this renewed appeal met with indignant rejection. The British and their Jewish capitalist backers could find no other explanation for this appeal, which I had made on humanitarian grounds, than the assumption of weakness on the part of Germany. They assured the people of Britain and France that Germany dreaded the clash to be expected in the spring of 1940 and was eager to make peace for fear of the annihilation that would then inevitably result. Already at that time the Norwegian Government, misled by the stubborn insistence of Mr. Churchill's false prophecies, began to toy with the idea of a British landing on their soil, thereby contributing to the destruction of Germany by permitting their harbors and Swedish iron ore fields to be seized. So sure were Mr. Churchill and Paul Reynaud of the success of their new scheme that finally, whether from sheer recklessness or perhaps under the influence of drink, they deemed it no longer necessary to make a secret of their intentions. It was thanks to these two gentlemen's tendency to gossip that the German Government at that time gained cognizance of the plans being made against the Reich. A few weeks later this danger to Germany was eliminated. One of the boldest deeds of arms in the whole history of warfare frustrated the attack of the British and French armies against the right flank of our line of defense. Immediately after the failure of these plans, increased pressure was exerted by the British warmongers upon Belgium and Holland. Now that the attack upon our sources for the supply of iron ore had proved unsuccessful, they aimed to advance the front to the Rhine by involving the Belgian and Dutch States and thus to threaten and paralyze our production centers for iron and steel. On May 10 of last year perhaps the most memorable struggle in all German history commenced. The enemy front was broken up in a few days and the stage was then set for the operation that culminated in the greatest battle of annihilation in the history of the world. Thus France collapsed, Belgium and Holland were already occupied, and the battered remnants of the British expeditionary force were driven from the European continent, leaving their arms behind. On July 19, 1940, I then convened the German Reichstag for the third time in order to render that great account which you all still remember. The meeting provided me with the opportunity of expressing the thanks of the nation to its soldiers in a form suited to the uniqueness of the event. Once again I seized the opportunity of urging the world to make peace. And what I foresaw and prophesied at that time happened. My offer of peace was misconstrued as a symptom of fear and cowardice. The European and American warmongers succeeded once again in befogging the sound common sense of the masses, who can never hope to profit from this war, by conjuring up false pictures of new hope. Thus, finally, under pressure of public opinion, as formed by their press, they once more managed to induce the nation to continue this struggle. Even my warnings against night bombings of the civilian population, as advocated by Mr. Churchill, were interpreted as a sign of German impotence. He, the most bloodthirsty or amateurish strategist that history has ever known, actually saw fit to believe that the reserve displayed for months by the German Air Force could be looked upon only as proof of their incapacity to fly by night. So this man for months ordered his paid scribblers to deceive the British people into believing that the Royal Air Force alone - and no others - was in a position to wage war in this way, and that thus ways and means had been found to force the Reich to its knees by the ruthless onslaught of the British Air Force on the German civilian population in conjunction with the starvation blockade. Again and again I uttered these warnings against this specific type of aerial warfare, and I did so for over three and a half months. That these warnings failed to impress Mr. Churchill does not surprise me in the least. For what does this man care for the lives of others? What does he care for culture or for architecture? When war broke out he stated clearly that he wanted to have his war, even though the cities of England might be reduced to ruins. So now he has got his war. My assurances that from a given moment every one of his bombs would be returned if necessary a hundredfold failed to induce this man to consider even for an instant the criminal nature of his action. He professes not to be in the least depressed and he even assures us that the British people, too, after such bombing raids, greeted him with a joyous serenity, causing him to return to London refreshed by his visits to the stricken areas. It is possible that this sight strengthened Mr. Churchill in his firm determination to continue the war in this way, and we are no less determined to continue to retaliate, if necessary, a hundred bombs for every one of his and to go on doing so until the British nation at last gets rid of this criminal and his methods. The appeal to forsake me, made to the German nation by this fool and his satellites on May Day, of all days, are only to be explained either as symptomatic of a paralytic disease or of a drunkard's ravings. His abnormal state of mind also gave birth to a decision to transform the Balkans into a theater of war. For over five years this man has been chasing around Europe like a madman in search of something that he could set on fire. Unfortunately, he again and again finds hirelings who open the gates of their country to this international incendiary. After he had succeeded in the course of the past winter in persuading the British people by a wave of false assertions and pretensions that the German Reich, exhausted by the campaign in the preceding months, was completely spent, he saw himself obliged, in order to prevent an awakening of the truth, to create a fresh conflagration in Europe. In so doing he returned to the project that had been in his mind as early as the autumn of 1939 and the spring of 1940. It was thought possible at the time to mobilize about 100 divisions in Britain's interest. The sudden collapse which we witnessed in May and June of the past year forced these plans to be abandoned for the moment. But by the autumn of last year Mr. Churchill began to tackle this problem once again. In the meantime, however, certain difficulties had arisen. As a result, Rumania, owing to internal changes, dropped out of England's political scheme. In dealing with these conditions, I shall begin by giving you a brief outline of the aims of Germany's policy in the Balkans. As in the past, the Reich never pursued any territorial or any other selfish political interest in the Balkans. In other words, the Reich has never taken the slightest interest in territorial problems and internal conditions in these States for any selfish reason whatsoever. On the other hand, the Reich has always endeavored to build up and to strengthen close economic ties with these States in particular. This, however, not only served the interests of the Reich but equally the interests of these countries themselves. If any two national economic systems ever effectively complemented one another, that is especially the case regarding the Balkan States and Germany. Germany is an industrial country and requires foodstuffs and raw materials. The Balkan States are agrarian countries and are short of these raw materials. At the same time, they require industrial products. It was therefore hardly surprising when Germany thus became the main business partner of the Balkan States. Nor was this in Germany's interest alone, but also in that of the Balkan peoples themselves. AND NONE BUT OUR JEW-RIDDEN DEMOCRACIES, WHICH CAN THINK ONLY IN TERMS OF CAPITALISM, CAN MAINTAIN THAT IF ONE STATE DELIVERS MACHINERY TO ANOTHER STATE IT THEREBY DOMINATES THAT OTHER STATE. IN ACTUAL FACT SUCH DOMINATION, IF IT OCCURS, CAN BE ONLY A RECIPROCAL DOMINATION. It is presumably easier to be without machinery than without food and raw materials. Consequently, the partner in need of raw material and foodstuffs would appear to be more tied down than the recipient of industrial products. IN THIS TRANSACTION THERE WAS NEITHER CONQUEROR NOR CONQUERED. THERE WERE ONLY PARTNERS. The German Reich of the National Socialist revolution has prided itself on being a fair and decent partner, offering in exchange high-quality products instead of worthless democratic paper money. For these reasons the Reich was interested in only one thing if, indeed, there was any question of political interest, namely, in seeing that internally the business partner was firmly established on a sound and healthy basis. THE APPLICATION OF THIS IDEA LED IN FACT NOT ONLY TO INCREASING PROSPERITY IN THESE COUNTRIES BUT ALSO TO THE BEGINNING OF MUTUAL CONFIDENCE. All the greater, however, became the endeavor of that world incendiary, Churchill, to put an end to this peaceful development and by shamelessly imposing upon these States utterly worthless British guarantees and promises of assistance to introduce into this peaceable European territory elements of unrest, uncertainty, distrust and, finally, conflict. Originally, Rumania was first won over by these guarantees and later, of course, Greece. It has, meanwhile, probably been sufficiently demonstrated that he had absolutely no power of any kind to provide real help and that these guarantees were merely intended to rope these States in to follow the dangerous trend of filthy British politics. RUMANIA HAS HAD TO PAY BITTERLY FOR THE GUARANTEES, WHICH WERE CALCULATED TO ESTRANGE HER FROM THE AXIS POWERS. Greece, which least of all required such a guarantee, was offered her share to link her destiny to that of the country that provided her King with cash and orders. EVEN TODAY I FEEL THAT I MUST, AS I BELIEVE IN THE INTEREST OF HISTORICAL ACCURACY, DISTINGUISH BETWEEN THE GREEK PEOPLE AND THAT THIN TOP LAYER OF CORRUPT LEADERS WHO, INSPIRED BY A KING WHO HAD NO EYES FOR THE DUTY OF TRUE LEADERSHIP, PREFERRED INSTEAD TO FURTHER THE AIMS OF BRITISH WAR POLITICS. To me this is a subject of profound regret. Germany, with the faint hope of still being able to contribute in some way to a solution of the problem, had not severed relations with Greece. But even then I was bound in duty to point out before the whole world that we would not tacitly allow a revival of the old Salonika scheme of the Great War. Unfortunately, my warning was not taken seriously enough. That we were determined, if the British tried to gain another foothold in Europe, to drive them back into the sea was not taken seriously enough. The result was that the British began in an increasing degree to establish bases for the formation of a new Salonika army. They began by laying out airdromes and by establishing the necessary ground organization in the firm conviction that the occupation of the airdromes themselves could afterward be carried out very speedily. Finally a continuous stream of transports brought equipment for an army which, according to Mr. Churchill's idea and plans, was to be landed in Greece. As I have said, already we were aware of this. For months we watched this entire strange procedure with attention, if with restraint. The reverses suffered by the Italian Army in North Africa, owing to a certain material inferiority of their tanks and anti-tank guns, finally led Mr. Churchill to believe that the time was ripe to transfer the theater of war from Libya to Greece. He ordered the transport of the remaining tanks and of the infantry division, composed mainly of Anzacs, and was convinced that he could now complete his scheme, which was to set the Balkans aflame. THUS DID MR. CHURCHILL COMMIT ONE OF THE GREATEST STRATEGIC BLUNDERS OF THIS WAR. As soon as there could be no further doubt regarding Britain's intentions of gaining a foothold in the Balkans, I took the necessary steps. Germany, by keeping pace with these moves, assembled the necessary forces for the purpose of counteracting any possible tricks of that gentleman. In this connection I must state categorically that this action was not directed against Greece. The Duce did not even request me to place one single German division at his disposal for this purpose. He was convinced that with the advent of good weather his stand against Greece would have been brought to a successful conclusion. I was of the same opinion. The concentration of German forces was therefore not made for the purpose of assisting the Italians against Greece. It was a precautionary measure against the British attempt under cover of the clamor caused by the Italo-Greek war to intrench themselves secretly in the Balkans in order to force the issue from that quarter on the model of the Salonika army during the World War, and, above all, to draw other elements into the whirlpool. This hope was founded principally on two States, namely, Turkey and Yugoslavia. But with these very States I have striven during the years since I came into power to establish close co-operation. The World War actually started from Belgrade. Nevertheless, the German people, who are by nature so ready to forgive and forget, felt no animosity toward that country. Turkey was our ally in the World War. The unfortunate outcome of that struggle weighed upon that country just as heavily as it did upon us. The great genius who created the new Turkey was the first to set a wonderful example of recovery to our allies whom fortune had at that time deserted and whom fate had dealt so terrible a blow. Whereas Turkey, thanks to the practical attitude of her leaders, preserved her independence in carrying out her own resolutions, Yugolsavia fell a victim to British intrigue. Most of you, especially my old Party comrades among you, know what efforts I have made to establish a straightforward understanding and indeed friendly relations between Germany and Yugoslavia. In pursuance of this aim Herr von Ribbentrop, our Minister of Foreign Affairs, submitted to the Yugoslav Government proposals that were so outstanding and so fair that at least even the Yugoslav State of that time seemed to become increasingly eager for such close co-operation. Germany had no intention of starting a war in the Balkans. On the contrary, it was our honest intention as far as possible to contribute to a settlement of the conflict with Greece by means that would be tolerable to the legitimate wishes of Italy. The Duce not only consented to but lent his full support to our efforts to bring Yugoslavia into a close community of interests with our peace aims. Thus it finally became possible to induce the Yugoslav Government to join the Threepower Pact, which made no demands whatever on Yugoslavia but only offered that country advantages. Thus on March 26 of this year a pact was signed in Vienna that offered the Yugoslav State the greatest future conceivable and could have assured peace for the Balkans. Believe me, gentlemen, on that day I left the beautiful city of the Danube truly happy not only because it seemed as though almost eight years of foreign policies had received their reward but also because I believed that perhaps at the last moment German intervention in the Balkans might not be necessary. We were all stunned by the news of that coup, carried through by a handful of bribed conspirators who had brought about the event that caused the British Prime Minister to declare in joyous words that at last he had something good to report. 写不开的，字数有限，请你到这个网址：

希特勒的第一次竞选演讲稿 德国议会的议员们:要每次的行为和言词都算数是没有意义的.它不是我的打算去出现在你们面前.德国人民选举出来的代表们.比绝对地需要更经常的.那第一次我向你们演讲是在战争爆发时.感谢对于盎格鲁-法国反对和平的阴谋.所有地尝试在一项与波兰协议方面的.哪个否则会有成为可能的.有成为挫败的.那最狂妄的人在现代时代有.像他们今天承认的.决定早在1936去使德国卷入.哪个在它的和平的重建工作是成为太强大的对於他们.在一个新的和血腥的战争中和.假如可能.去毁灭它.他们有最后成功的在寻找一个国家那是准备为了他们的利益和目标.和那国家是波兰.所有我的尽力去与英国达成协议是被破坏的受到来自一个小派系的决心哪个.无论是从仇恨的动机或者为了物质上获利的缘故.排斥所有德国的建议为了一项谅解由于他们的坚决.哪个他们从来没有隐瞒.去诉诸于战争.不管发生了什么.在这个狂热和恶魔的计划去引起战争在不管怎样代价背后的人是丘吉尔先生.他的同事们是现在形成英国政府的那些人.这些努力接受到最强大的支持.在公开和秘密的两者.从那所谓的伟大的在大西洋两边的民主国家.每次当人民是越来越不满意与他们有缺陷的政治才干.责任重大的人在那边相信那么一场成功的战争将会是最合适的手段对解决问题因为用别的方法将会是超出他们的能力范围去解决的.在这些人后面在那里站立著主要的国际犹太人的经济利益因为控制那银行和股票交易以及那武器工业.和现在.正像以前一样.他们闻出那机会在从事他们的讨厌生意.和因此.正像以前一样.没有踌躇地关于牺牲人民的生命.那样是来自这个战争的开始.几个星期之后那国家是排名第三的国家在欧洲.波兰.但是有足够鲁莽的去允许她自己被用来为了这些战争贩子们的经济利益.是被消灭和毁灭的.在这些状况里我认为我亏欠它对我们德国人民和无数男人和妇女在敌对阵营中.他们像个人的是像清白的在责任方面一样正当的.去仍然从事另一项呼吁对于这些政治家们的普通常识和良心.在十月6.1939.我因此再次地公开的声明德国既没有需求也没有打算去要求任何东西从任一英国或是法国.因为它是愚蠢的行为去继续那战争和.尤其是 .因为那现代战争武器带来的天谴.一旦它们是带进行动.将不可逃避的蹂躏广大的领土.但是正如我做出的呼吁在九月1.1939.证明是徒劳的.这项重复的呼吁遭遇到愤怒的拒绝.英国和他们的犹太人资本家支持者不能够找到其它的辩解对于这项呼吁.哪个我有做出在人道主义的理由上.除了假定在德国方面的软弱外.他们使英国人和法国人确信因为德国害怕那是意料中的冲突在1940的春天和是热切地去从事和平为了畏惧对那灭绝那样将会接着不可逃避的结果.已经在那时候挪威政府.通过丘吉尔的欺诈性预言的顽固主张使误入歧途.开始去玩弄与那想法在一个英国人登陆在他们的土地上.因此有助于毁灭德国通过允许他们的港口和瑞典的铁金属区域被夺取.丘吉尔先生和PAUL REYNAUD是那样确信的对于他们的新阴谋的成功以致最后地.不管是出于全然的鲁莽或是也许在饮酒的影响下.他们认为它不再是需要的去从事一个秘密对于他们的打算.它是感谢对于这两位绅士们的癖好去闲聊以致德国政府在那个时候获得认定关于那被从事反对德国政府的计划.几星期以后这个对德国的危险是被解除的.在整个战争历史中的最大胆的行动之一挫败了来自英国和法国军队对我们防卫线的右边侧腹的攻击.在这些计划的失败的立刻之后.通过英国的战争贩子们运用增强压力在比利时和荷兰之上.现在因为那攻击在我们的铁金属的供应来源有证明是不成功的.他们打算去推进那前线到莱茵河区通过使比利时和荷兰国家卷入和因此去威胁和瘫痪我们的生产中心对於铁和钢制品.在去年的五月10也许是最值的记忆的战斗在所有德国历史中著手的.那敌人前线是被瓦解在几天之内和是接着树立那舞台为了那军事行动达到高潮在世界历史上最伟大的歼灭战斗.这样法国是沦陷的.比利时和荷兰是已经被占领的.和那被打得溃不成军的英国远征部队残余是被从欧洲大陆赶走的.留下他们的武器在背后.在七月19.1940.我那时召集德国议会为了第三次为了提出那伟大报告哪个你们全部仍然记得.这会议提供我那机会以表现对国家的军人们的感谢在一种形式合适的对那事件的独特性.我再一次夺取那机会在强烈要求世界去从事和平.和我所预见和预言的发生在那个时候.我的对和平的建议是曲解像一种害怕和懦弱方面的徵兆.欧洲和美国的战争贩子们再次成功的在使有健全普通常识的大众在困惑中.他们从来没有希望去从这个战争获利.通过行邪术错误描写对新希望.这样.最后地.在大众舆论的压力下.像通过他们的新闻报导形成的.他们再次的设法对付去诱导国家去继续这个战斗.甚至我的警告反对夜晚对平民人口的轰炸.像由丘吉尔支持的.是被理解像来自德国人阳萎的一个徵兆.他.那最嗜杀的或者非专门的战略家那历史有曾经知道的.事实上看到符合对确信那在几月里由德国空军的节制表现可能被观看作只是证明了他们的无能力在夜晚飞行.所以这个人在几月当中命令他的受雇的三流作家去诈欺英国人民成为相信那皇家空军单独的-和没有其它的-是在一个位置去发动战争在这个方式.和因为这样的方式和手段有被建立去强迫德国屈膝通过来自英国空军无情的突袭在德国平民人口之上在连接地与饥饿封锁.我再三地发出这些警告对于这种特定类型的航空战争.和我从事如此的超过三个半月.这些警告失败地去影响丘吉尔先生一点也不使我惊奇.因为这个人怎么会关心其他人的生命?他怎么会关心文化或是建筑物?当战争爆发时他清楚的声明那他想要他的战争.甚至虽然那英国的城市可能被瓦解毁坏.所以现在他有得到他的战争.我的保证那样从一个既定的时刻每一颗来自他的炸弹将被假如需要百倍地归还失败地去劝诱这人甚至在一个瞬息的思考对於他的行动的犯罪性质.他声称一点也不是在意气沮丧中和他甚至使我们确信那英国人民.也是.在这样的轰炸袭击之后.迎接他以一种快乐的晴朗.造成他返回到伦敦恢复精神充电的通过他的访问到那受袭击的地区.. 它是可能的这种景观加强丘吉尔先生在他的坚定的决心去继续那战争在这个方式.和我们是同样地决心去继续报复.假如需要.一百颗炸弹对于每一颗来自他的和继续从事这样做一直到英国国家在最后除掉这位罪犯和他的方法.那呼吁去舍弃我.从事对德国国家的通过这位愚人和他的卫星国在五月节.在所有日子之中.是只能被解释若不是来自一位患中风病的症状的.就是一位酒鬼的胡说.他的不正常心理状态也有催生一项决定去改变巴尔干半岛成为一个战场.在超过五年里这个人有跑来跑去在欧洲像一位疯子寻找某种事物以致他能够使起火.不幸地.他再三地找到专为金钱的人他们打开他们国家的大门给这个国际性煽动放火者.在他有成功地在说服英国人民在去年冬天的过程通过一个潮涌的错误断言和主张那德国政府.耗尽的被在先前几月份的战役.是完全的力尽气竭的.他看见他自己不得不.为了去阻止一个对真相的唤醒.去制造一个新鲜的大火灾在欧洲.在这样从事的他返回到那早已有在他的头脑中的计划早在1939秋天和1940春天.它是被认为可能的在那个时候去动员大约100个师在英国的利益方面.我们目击在在去年五月和六月的哪一些突然的瓦解强迫这些计划去被暂时地放弃.但是通过去年秋天丘吉尔先生开始去再次的抓住这个问题.在其间.无论如何.某些困难有出现.结果.罗马尼亚.归因于内部的改变.退出从英国的政治阴谋之中.在对付这些情况.我应该开始靠给予你们一个简短的概要关于德国在巴尔干半岛的政策目标.像在过去一样的.德国政府从未追求任何领土的或是任何其它自私的政治利益在巴尔干半岛.换言之.德国政府从未有采取丝毫的兴趣在领土问题和内部情况在这些国家中为了无论什么自私地理由.在另一方面.德国政府有始终尽力去建立和去强化亲密的经济联系与这些国家在特殊的.这个.无论如何.不仅服务德国政府的利益而且相等的对这些国家它们自己的利益.假如任何两个国家的经济制度永远有效地互相补充.那样是特别地那情况关于巴尔干半岛国家和德国.德国是一个工业化国家和需要食品和原始材料.这巴尔干半岛国家是农业国家和是缺少这些原始材料..在那同时.他们需要工业产品.它是因此几乎不令人惊讶的当德国从而成为那主要的夥伴对巴尔干半岛国家们.这个也不是单独的在德国的利益.而且也是在那一些巴尔干半岛的国家人民他们自己的利益.和无一人除了我们的犹太人-控制的民主国家.哪个能够只有思考从资本主义的角度.会主张那样假如一个国家移交机器给另一个国家它因此支配那其它国家.在真正事实中这样的支配.假如它发生.能够是只有一种互惠的支配.它是推测上较容易的在没有机器比没有食物和原始材料.因而.这夥伴在需要对于原始材料和食物的会呈现去成为比,那工业产品领受者更约束的.在这种交易中既没有征服者也没有被征服者.只能是夥伴.由国家社会主义者革命制成的德国有以它自己为傲在是一个公平和正当的夥伴上.提供在交换高-品质产品而不是毫无价值的民主国家的钞票.为了这些原因德国政府是兴趣只有在一件东西假如.确实的.存在著关于任何政治利益.换句话说.在看见那从内部的生意夥伴是坚固的建立在一个正确和健康基础上.应用对於这个概念导致在事实上不但去增加繁荣在这些国家而且也会对于互相信任的开始.越发更大的.无论如何.成为力图对世界的煽动放火者.丘吉尔.去使这个??这些国家以全然毫无价值的英国保证和答应援助去介绍进入这个和平的欧洲领土之内在动荡局面.不信任和.最后地.冲突方面.最初.罗马尼亚是第一个被争取过来通过这些保证和过后地.当然.希腊.它有.在那之中.可能有充足的示范他绝对没有在任何种类的力量去提供真正的帮助和因为这些保证是全然打算去捆绑这些国家参与去跟随那心肠污秽的英国政治的危险倾向.罗马尼亚有必须悲痛地支付对於那保证.哪个是有计划的去离间她从轴心国家们.希腊.哪个所有当中最不需要这样一种保证的.是提供她的一份去连结她的命运到那国家以致提供她的国王以现金和命令.甚至今天我觉得我必须.像我相信在对历史上的精确度的利益方面.区别在希腊人民和那肤浅的高层腐败领导人员他们.受到一位国王的鼓舞他没有眼光对于真正领导人的职责.宁愿改为去助长英国的战争政治目标.对我来说这是一个极度遗憾的论题.德国.以微弱的希望在仍然是能够去出力在某些方式对于问题的解决.没有切断与希腊的关系.但是甚至当时的我是被约束在义务方面去指出在全世界面前那样我们将不会沉默地允许一个来自第一次世界大战的老的Salonika 阴谋的复活.不幸地.我的警告不是被足够认真对待的.我们是那样有决心的.假如英国尝试去得到另一个根据地在欧洲.去把他们赶进大海内不是被足够认真对待的.其结果是那英国开始在英国增加程度去建立基地为了形成一个新的SALONIKA军队.他们开始靠铺设飞机场和靠建立这需要的地面组织在坚决的确信那样的占领飞机场它们自己能够其后非常迅速的被执行.最后地一个连续的运输流动带来设备为了一个军队哪个.根据丘吉尔先生的想法和计划.是要去登陆在希腊.如我有说过的.我们已经是察觉到这个.在几个月里我们观察这个全部奇怪的程序以关注.如果以自制.通过意大利军队在北非蒙受的挫折 .归因于某种来自他们的坦克和反-坦克枪炮物质上的劣等.最后导致丘吉尔先生相信那时间是成熟了对于转移战场从利比亚到希腊.他命令运输其余的坦克和步兵师.组成的主要地来自澳洲与纽西兰兵团的.和是确信那样他能够现在完成他的图谋.哪个是去设置巴尔干半岛燃烧的.如此丘吉尔先生犯了来自那战争中最大的战略大失策之一.一旦在那里可能没有更多地怀疑关于英国的打算在得到一个在巴尔干半岛的根据地.我就采取那必须的步骤.德国.通过保持步伐与这些行动.集合了必须的军队为了抵消来自那绅士的任何可能的戏法的目的.在这个节骨眼上我必须绝对地声明这个行动不是直接对于希腊的.那意大利的领袖甚至不要求我去安置一个单独的德国师在他的处置下为了这个目的.他是坚信因为以好天气的出现他的有效对抗希腊将会导致到一个成功的结束.我是在同样的意见之中的.德国部队的集中因此不是安排为了援助意大利对抗希腊的目的.它是一个预先警戒的措施对抗英国的尝试在通过意大利-希腊战争造成的吵嚷掩护下去固守他们自己秘密地在巴尔干半岛为了去强迫那争论点从那军营在SALONIKA军队模式在第一次世界大战期间.和.最重要的是.去引来其它元素进入那漩涡中.这个希望是建立的主要地在两个国家上.就是.土耳其和南斯拉夫.但是以这些特别国家我有努力的在这些年期间自从我当政以来去建立亲密的互相-合作.那第一次世界大战实际上开始从柏尔格雷德.虽然如此.德国人民.他们是受到天性那样容易地去忘记和饶恕.感觉没有仇恨朝向那国家.土耳其是我们的同盟在第一次世界大战里.这不幸的结果来自那战斗重压在这个国家上正如它是压在我们身上一样沉重地.这伟大的天才他创造了新土耳其是第一位去树立一个极好的榜样在复员方面的对于我们的同盟那些人的运气有在那个时候被遗弃的和那些人的命运有对付这样可怕的打击.然而土耳其.感谢对来自她的领导人们的有实际经验的态度.保存她的独立在执行她自己的决心.南斯拉夫倒下成为一个英国阴谋的牺牲品.你们当中大多数.特别是在你们中间的我的老党员同志.知道什么样的努力我有从事去建立一个率直的了解和确实友好的关系在德国和南斯拉夫之间.在从事对这个目标HERR VON RIBBENTROP.我们的外交部长.提出给南斯拉夫政府建议那是如此杰出的和这样公平的以致至少甚至南斯拉夫政府在那个时候看来好像去成为逐渐的热心为了这样亲密的互相-合作.德国没有打算去发动一个战争在巴尔干半岛.相反的.它是我们诚实的意向尽可能的去出力对于一个与希腊冲突的调停通过那样将会是可容忍对意大利合法希望的手段.那意大利元首不但是赞成去而且提供他的完全支持对于我们的努力去带来南斯拉夫进入一个亲密的利益共同体与我们的和平目标.这样它最后地感应那使南斯拉夫政府去参加那三强权条约.哪个没有做出无论什么样的要求在南斯拉夫上而是仅仅提供这个国家优势.这样在三月26在今年一项条约是签订在维也纳那样提供了南斯拉夫政府可以想象的最好的前途和可以有保证和平对巴尔干半岛.相信我.绅士们.我离开那美丽的城市在DANUBE那天是真正的快乐不仅是因为它似乎是像虽然几乎八年来的外交政策有接受它们的奖赏而且也是因为我相信这个也许在最后的时刻德国的介入在巴尔干半岛也许不是必须的.我们全部是震惊的通过关于那政变的新闻报导.通过一小撮被贿络的阴谋家开展他们有引起那事件那样造成英国的总理在快乐的言词中宣布那最终的他有某些好的东西去报告.你们将的确地了解.-绅士们.因为当我听到这个我立刻地给予命令去攻击南斯拉夫.去对待那德国政府在这种方式是令人无法忍受的.一个人不能够花费多年在缔结一项条约那样是在对其它党派的利益只不过是去发现这个条约有不但被打破在一夜之间而且它有被答复的受到对德国政府的代表的侮辱.通过威胁对于他的大使馆军事随员.通过实际上伤害对这位随员的助理.通过虐待对无数其他德国人.通过破坏财产.通过使垃圾在德国公民的住宅成为废墟和通过恐怖统治.上帝知道我希望和平.但是我不能够从事任何事情除了保护对德国的利益以那些手段哪个.感谢上帝.是在我们的处置下.我做出我的决定在那个时刻越发冷静地因为我知道我是在和谐的与保加利亚.她有始终保持坚决的原状在她对德国政府的忠实.和与那同样证明是正当的来自匈牙利的义愤.我们的两个在第一次世界大战的老同盟是被束缚的去把这个行动看作为一个挑衅发源从那国家以前曾经有设置整个欧洲著火和有罪的对于不可名状的灾祸降临到德国.匈牙利.和保加利亚在结果.由我发布的通过德国军队的最高指挥在三月27一般指示的军事行动使陆军和空面对军以一个艰难的任务.通过一个只不过是手的转动一个另外的战役必须被准备的.那有已经抵达的必须被调动到处走动.军备的供应必须确保和空军必须接管无数的即席而作的飞机场哪一些的部分是仍然在淹水中.没有来自匈牙利的同情援助和来自罗马尼亚的极端忠诚态度它将会成为非常困难的去执行我的命令在面对很短的时间内.我固定在四月6那天像哪个攻击是要开始的.主要的军事行动计划是:第一.去进行一个陆军来自保加利亚对抗THRACE在希腊在爱琴海的方向.那主要的攻击力量来自这支军队安置在它的右侧翼.哪个是去强夺一条通过到SALONIKA的通道通过利用的高山师和坦克师,第二.去猛推向前以一个第二支军队以那目标尽可能迅速的建立连接与从阿尔巴尼亚前进的意大利部队.这两个军事行动是要开始在四月6.第三.一个更进一步地军事行动.开始在8日.供给为了突破来自一支从保加利亚的军队以那目标在到达柏尔格雷德的附近.在与这个连接.一支德国军团是要占领BANAT在10日.在连接与这些军事行动一般的协议有被制成的与我们的盟邦.意大利和匈牙利.协定关于互相-合作的协议也有被达成在两个空军之间.那指挥对於德国军队军事行动对抗MACEDONIA和希腊的是置放在元帅VON DIST手中.他有已经格外的突出他自己在先前的战役里.再一次的和在最严格的情况下他完成面对他的任务在真正的卓越方式中.那部队前进从西南边和从匈牙利对抗南斯拉夫的是通过陆军上将VON WEICK指挥的.他.也是.在一个非常短时间以在他指挥下的军队达成他的目标.那陆军和SS分遣队在元帅VON BRAUCHITCH的操作下.像总司令和总参谋长.上将.HALDER.强迫那希腊军队在THRACE有条件投降在仅仅五天之后.建立与从阿尔巴尼亚前进的意大利部队接触.占领了SALONIKA.和这样广泛地地准备那对于困难的和光荣的突破经由LARISSA到雅典的道路.这些军事行动是居于顶点的通过占领ELOPONNESUS和无数的希腊岛屿.一个细节的鉴赏在成就方面的将会发表通过德国最高指挥部.在德国政府戈林元帅个人的指挥下的空军是分开的成为两个主要团体.由上将.LOEHR和将军RICHTHOFEN指挥的.它是他们 的任务.第一.去粉碎敌人空军和去使劲打击它的地面组织,第二.去攻击每一个重要的军事目标在阴谋家们在柏尔格雷德总部.如此除去它从那非常开头,第三.通过每一种方法在积极的互相合作到处与德国战斗部队去破坏敌人的抵抗.去妨碍敌人的飞行.去尽可能的阻止他的登机.德国武装部队有真正的凌驾他们自己在这个战役中.有仅仅一个方式在描述这个战役的特性:没有什么事情是不可能的对德国士兵们.历史上的正义.无论如何.使我不得不去说关於那敌手那样有拿起武器对抗我们.最格外的那希腊士兵们.有作战的以最伟大的勇敢步地抵抗成为不可能的和因此无用的.但是我现在是被迫去演说对那敌人他是主要的原因对这个冲突.像一位德国人和像一位军人我认为它是不足取的老是去辱骂一位倒下的敌人.但是它似乎对我是必须的去为那真理辩护从那任性的夸张关于一个人他由於是一位士兵是一位坏的政治家和由於一位政治家是一位相等地坏的士兵.丘吉尔先生.他发动这个斗争.是-尽力的.如同关于挪威或是dunkerque的情形一样.去说道某些东西那样他迟早可能四处牵强附会去比喻成功.我不认为那么光荣的但是在他的例子中它是可以了解的.那天赋丘吉尔先生拥有的是去说谎以一种虔诚表情在他脸上的天赋和去曲解真相直到最后的光荣凯旋是制造的从最可怕的打败之中.一支英国军队在60.000到70.000人数在希腊登陆.在大灾难以前那相同的人主张.此外.它组成的在240.000人数.这支军队的目标是去攻击德国从南部.施加一个击败在她之上.和从这个地点像在1918一样转变战争的趋势.我预言比丘吉尔先生更精确的在我的上一次演讲.在其中我宣布这个不管在哪里英国可能踏上大陆他们会受到我们的攻击和赶进大海之内.现在.以他的厚脸无耻.他声明这个战争有使我们丧失75.000生命.他引起他的大概不是太有才智的乡下同胞们去在被他的雇用-生物们之一通知因为那英国.在有残杀庞大数量的德国人之后.最后转身离开从全然的厌恶对那大量杀戮和.一丝不苟地说道.撤退为了这个单独地理由.我现在将提供给你们关于这个战役的结果在一些扼要的数字.在对抗南斯拉夫的军事行动的过程中有下列的数目在纯粹的塞尔维亚人俘虏.省略德国血统的士兵们和某些其它的团体.6.198军官们.313.864人员.数目来自希腊的俘虏.8.000军官们和210.000士兵们.有不同的意义.那数目在英国人.纽西兰人和澳大利亚人之中德俘虏超过9.000军官们和人员.德国单独的分享对战利品.根据现在可以获得的估计.总共达到超过50万的步枪.远远超过1.000枪炮.几千把机关枪和防空用的机关枪.车辆.和大数目的弹药.....关于德国陆军和德国空军以及了解来自SS军团的损失在这个战役中是最小的那我们曾经蒙受的到目前为止.德国的武装部队有在战斗对抗南斯拉夫和希腊以及对抗在希腊的英国人损失:陆军和SS军团-57军官和1.042士官和人员死亡.181军官和3.571士官和人员受伤.和13军官和372士官和人员失踪.空军-10军官们和42士官和人员死亡和36军官和104士官和人员失踪.我仅仅能够再一次重复那样我们感觉对家庭有关系的忍受牺牲的苦难.那全体德国国家表示对他们它的衷心的感恩.总而言之.无论如何.那蒙受到的损失是这么小的以致它们构成最大的证明正当.第一.对于这个战役的那计划和适时,第二对于那军事行动的指挥,第三.对那风格在其中它们是被贯彻进行到底的.对于我们的军官们的训练是卓越的超出比较的范围那高度有效率的由於我们的士兵们.在我们设备的优越性方面.在我们军用品的品质方面和不屈服的勇气在所有阶级队伍之中的有联合去领导在这样小的牺牲达到一个成功的真正历史上决定性的重要性方面.丘吉尔.最绝望的在战略上的业余家之一.这样设法对付去损失两个战场在一个单独地一击.那事实这个人.他在任何其它国家会被军事法庭审判的.得到新鲜的赞扬像总理不能够被解释的像一个表现宽宏大量方面的例如是通过罗马元老院议员对给被光荣的击败的将军们在战场上.它是仅仅证明对那没完没了的愚昧用那种方法上帝折磨那些他们是快要被毁灭的.关于这个战役的后果是非凡的.有鉴于那事实那么一小批阴谋家们在柏尔格雷德再次的是能够去煽动动乱在服务对欧洲大陆以外的利益.那根本的消灭这个危险意味著解除一个紧张的因素对於整个欧洲.多瑙河是一条重要的运河是因此保护的对於任何的更进一步地破坏活动.交通有被完全恢复的.除去这适度的修正对於它的国境.哪个是侵犯结果来自那第一次世界大战的结果.德国没有特别的领土兴趣在这些领域中.就关系到政治而言我们是全然兴趣在保卫和平在这个领域里.和同时在经济范围里我们希望去看见一个秩序那样将会允许货物产品被发展和产品的交易成为恢复的在对所有人的利益.它是.无论如何.在与最高正义一致的,假如那些利益也是把那是建立在民族志学的.历史上的.或是经济情况考虑进去的.我能够向你们保证那个我观察未来以完全的宁静和极大的信心.那德国政府代表力量.军事.经济和.尤其是.在道德方面的.哪个是优越性对任何其它世界上国家.德国武装部队将始终从事他们的职责不论何时它可能是需要的.那德国人民的信心将会始终伴随他们的军人们.

这个很难搞啊