默默一个人旅行
1、心理学的英文叫Psychology,读音:英[saɪˈkɒlədʒi]美[saɪˈkɑːlədʒi]。 2、心理学是研究人和动物心理活动和行为表现的一门科学。心理学一词来源于希腊文,意思是关于灵魂的科学。灵魂在希腊文中也有气体或呼吸的意思,因为古代人们认为生命依赖于呼吸,呼吸停止,生命就完结了。随着科学的发展,心理学的对象由灵魂改为心灵。
跟着Serena觅好食
心理学英语:psychology,读音:[saɪˈkɒlədʒi]。
浊辅音/dʒ/的发音方法:
1)双唇向前突出,略成圆形,牙齿基本闭合。
2)舌尖和舌端抬起贴住上齿龈后部,憋住气。
3)舌尖稍稍下降,气流从舌和齿龈间的狭缝冲出,同时声带震动发声。
注意:/dʒ/是个浊辅音,发音时只有微弱气流泻出,摩擦在舌端,声音是由声音震动发出。不要读在汉语中的“基”,“基”字发音舌位靠前,而/dʒ/是用舌尖去顶齿龈,整体舌位不靠前。
psychology
英 [saɪˈkɒlədʒi] 美 [saɪˈkɑ:lədʒi]
n.心理学;心理状态;心理特点;心理影响。
Psychology began as a purely academic offshoot of natural philosophy
心理学最初是自然哲学一个纯粹的学术分支。
扩展资料:
理科课程:English 英语、math 数学、Chinese 语文、physics 物理、chemistry 化学、Biology 生物。
文科课程:English 英语、math 数学、Chinese 语文、History 历史、Geography 地理、polity 政治。
其他课程:P.E. 体育、science 科学、art 美术、music 音乐、computer 计算机。
psychology的词汇搭配:
1、abnormal psychology 变态心理学。
2、applied psychology 应用心理学。
3、behavioral psychology 行为心理学。
4、clinical psychology 临床心理学。
5、educational psychology 教育心理学。
6、criminal psychology 犯罪心理学。
淡水氤氲
Psychology英[]saɪˈkɒlədʒi美[]saɪˈkɑ:lədʒi词典释义psychologyn.心理学;心理状态;心理特点;心理影响[俗]psychicsn.心理学,心灵学;(自称)通灵的或有特异功能的人,巫师( psychic的名词复数 )[古]pneumatologyn.灵物学,圣灵学,气体
新雨初晴水星
Change detection is the apprehension of change in the world around us. The ability to detect change is important in much of our everyday life—for example, noticing a person entering the room, coping with traffic, or watching a kitten as it runs under a table. However, in spite of the pervasiveness of change detection in our lives, it has proven surprisingly difficult to study. Only recently have various approaches begun to converge in terms of what it is and how it is carried out. As used here, the term change detection pertains primarily to the visual processes involved in first noticing a change. It denotes not only detection proper (i.e., the observer reporting on the existence of the change), but also identification (reporting what the change is) and localization (reporting where it is). The perception of dynamic patterns per se (e.g., the perception of movement) is not discussed in detail here, since this involves a formidable set of issues in its own right (see e.g., Jacobs et al. 1988). Likewise, the focus is on behavioral measures and their interpretation rather than investigations into underlying neural systems. Restricted in this way, change detection might appear to be a fairly straightforward process. However, empirical studies have repeatedly proven otherwise. For example, we as observers tend to believe we could immediately detect any change in front of us if it were sufficiently large (Levin et al. 2000). However, this is not so: Under a wide variety of conditions we can be amazingly blind to changes, failing to see them even when they are large, repeatedly made, and anticipated (for reviews, see Rensink 2000a, Simons & Levin 1997). This “change blindness” (Rensink et al. 1997) is a striking phenomenon, one that has often served as the flip side of change detection: Just as our ability to detect change has cast light on some perceptual mechanisms, so has our inability to detect it cast light on others. The study of change detection can be loosely divided into three phases. The first, occurring roughly between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, included the work of French (1953) on changes in position in dot arrays and Hochberg (1968) on changes to faces; here, change usually occurred during a temporal gap of several seconds. Meanwhile, studies such as Ditchburn’s (1955) and Wallach & Lewis’s (1966) investigated displacements made during an eye movement (or saccade).