• 回答数

    3

  • 浏览数

    295

嗷哟嗷哟
首页 > 英语培训 > 就职演讲英文

3个回答 默认排序
  • 默认排序
  • 按时间排序

华晨1234

已采纳

乔治·沃克·布什,是美国第43任总统(第54-55届)。那么你想知道美国总统小布什在就职时是怎么发言的?以下是我给大家分享了美国总统小布什就职演说中英文,希望大家有帮助。

尊敬的芮恩奎斯特大法官,卡特总统,布什总统,克林顿总统,

尊敬的来宾们,我的同胞们,

这次权利的和平过渡在历史上是罕见的,但在美国是平常的。

我们以朴素的宣誓庄严地维护了古老的传统,同时开始了新的历程。

首先,我要感谢克林顿总统为这个国家作出的贡献,也感谢副总统

戈尔在竞选过程中的热情与风度。

站在这里,我很荣幸,也有点受宠若惊。在我之前,许多美国

领导人从这里起步;在我之后,也会有许多领导人从这里继续前进。

在美国悠久的历史中,我们每个人都有自己的位置;我们还在

继续推动着历史前进,但是我们不可能看到它的尽头。这是一部新世界的发展史,是一部后浪推前浪的历史。这是一部美国由奴隶制社会发展成为崇尚自由的社会的历史。这是一个强国保护而不是占有世界的历史,是捍卫而不是征服世界的历史。这就是美国史。它不是一部十全十美的民族发展史,但它是一部在伟大和永恒理想指导下几代人团结奋斗的历史。

这些理想中最伟大的是正在慢慢实现的美国的承诺,这就是:每个人都有自身的价值,每个人都有成功的机会,每个人天生都会有所作为的。美国人民肩负着一种使命,那就是要竭力将这个诺言变成生活中和法律上的现实。虽然我们的国家过去在追求实现这个承诺的途中停滞不前甚至倒退,但我们仍将坚定不移地完成这一使命。

在上个世纪的大部分时间里,美国自由民主的信念犹如汹涌大海中的岩石。现在它更像风中的种子,把自由带给每个民族。在我们的国家,民主不仅仅是一种信念,而是全人类的希望。民主,我们不会独占,而会竭力让大家分享。民主,我们将铭记于心并且不断传播。225年过去了,我们仍有很长的路要走。

有很多公民取得了成功,但也有人开始怀疑,怀疑我们自己的国家所许下的诺言,甚至怀疑它的公正。失败的 教育 ,潜在的偏见和出身的环境限制了一些美国人的雄心。有时,我们的分歧是如此之深,似乎我们虽身处同一个大陆,但不属于同一个国家。我们不能接受这种分歧,也无法容许它的存在。我们的团结和统一,是每一代领导人和每一个公民的严肃使命。在此,我郑重宣誓:我将竭力建设一个公正、充满机会的统一国家。我知道这是我们的目标,因为上帝按自己的身形创造了我们,上帝高于一切的力量将引导我们前进。

对这些将我们团结起来并指引我们向前的原则,我们充满信心。血缘、出身或地域从未将美国联合起来。只有理想,才能使我们心系一处,超越自己,放弃个人利益,并逐步领会何谓公民。每个孩子都必须学习这些原则。每个公民都必须坚持这些原则。每个移民,只有接受这些原则,才能使我们的国家不丧失而更具美国特色。

今天,我们在这里重申一个新的信念,即通过发扬谦恭、勇气、同情心和个性的精神来实现我们国家的理想。美国在它最鼎盛时也没忘记遵循谦逊有礼的原则。一个文明的社会需要我们每个人品质优良,尊重他人,为人公平和宽宏大量。

有人认为我们的政治制度是如此的微不足道,因为在和平年代,我们所争论的话题都是无关紧要的。但是,对我们美国来说,我们所讨论的问题从来都不是什么小事。如果我们不领导和平事业,那么和平将无人来领导;如果我们不引导我们的孩子们真心地热爱知识、发挥个性,他们的天分将得不到发挥,理想将难以实现。如果我们不采取适当 措施 ,任凭经济衰退,最大的受害者将是平民百姓。

我们应该时刻听取时代的呼唤。谦逊有礼不是战术也不是感情用事。这是我们最坚定的选择--在批评声中赢得信任;在混乱中寻求统一。如果遵循这样的承诺,我们将会享有共同的成就。

美国有强大的国力作后盾,将会勇往直前。

在大萧条和战争时期,我们的人民在困难面前表现得无比英勇,克服我们共同的困难体现了我们共同的优秀品质。现在,我们正面临着选择,如果我们作出正确的选择,祖辈一定会激励我们;如果我们的选择是错误的,祖辈会谴责我们的。上帝正眷顾着这个国家,我们必须显示出我们的勇气,敢于面对问题,而不是将它们遗留给我们的后代。

我们要共同努力,健全美国的学校教育,不能让无知和冷漠吞噬更多的年轻生命。我们要改革社会医疗和 保险 制度,在力所能及的范围内拯救我们的孩子。我们要减低税收,恢复经济,酬劳辛勤工作的美国人民。我们要防患于未然,懈怠会带来麻烦。我们还要阻止武器泛滥,使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。

反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白:美国仍将积极参与国际事务,力求世界力量的均衡,让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。我们会保护我们的盟国,捍卫我们的利益。我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。我们要向全世界宣传孕育了我们伟大民族的价值观。

正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。

当我们静心思考,我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因,我们都必须承认,孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容。这些都是缺乏爱的结果。监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的,但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。

哪里有痛苦,我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说,需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人,而是我们的公民;不是负担,而是急需救助的对象。当有人陷入绝望时,我们大家都会因此变得渺小。

对公共安全和大众健康,对民权和学校教育,政府都应负有极大的责任。然而,同情心不只是政府的职责,更是整个国家的义务。有些需要是如此的迫切,有些伤痕是如此的深刻,只有导师的爱抚、牧师的祈祷才能有所感触。不论是教堂还是慈善机构、犹太会堂还是清真寺,都赋予了我们的社会它们特有的人性,因此它们理应在我们的建设和法律上受到尊重。

我们国家的许多人都不知道贫穷的痛苦。但我们可以听到那些感触颇深的人们的倾诉。我发誓我们的国家要达到一种境界:当我们看见受伤的行人倒在远行的路上,我们决不会袖手旁观。

正处于鼎盛期的美国重视并期待每个人担负起自己的责任。

鼓励人们勇于承担责任不是让人们充当替罪羊,而是对人的良知的呼唤。虽然承担责任意味着牺牲个人利益,但是你能从中体会到一种更加深刻的成就感。

我们实现人生的完整不单是通过摆在我们面前的选择,而且是通过我们的实践来实现。我们知道,通过对整个社会和我们的孩子们尽我们的义务,我们将得到最终自由。

我们的公共利益依赖于我们独立的个性;依赖于我们的公民义务,家庭纽带和基本的公正;依赖于我们无数的、默默无闻的体面行动,正是它们指引我们走向自由。

在生活中,有时我们被召唤着去做一些惊天动地的事情。但是,正如我们时代的一位圣人所言,每一天我们都被召唤带着挚爱去做一些小事情。一个民主制度最重要的任务是由大家每一个人来完成的。

我为人处事的原则包括:坚信自己而不强加于人,为公众的利益勇往直前,追求正义而不乏同情心,勇担责任而决不推卸。我要通过这一切,用我们历史上传统价值观来哺育我们的时代。

(同胞们),你们所做的一切和政府的工作同样重要。我希望你们不要仅仅追求个人享受而忽略公众的利益;要捍卫既定的改革措施,使其不会轻易被攻击;要从身边小事做起,为我们的国家效力。我希望你们成为真正的公民,而不是旁观者,更不是臣民。你们应成为有责任心的公民,共同来建设一个互帮互助的社会和有特色的国家。

美国人民慷慨、强大、体面,这并非因为我们信任我们自己,而是因为我们拥有超越我们自己的信念。一旦这种公民精神丧失了,无论何种政府计划都无法弥补它。一旦这种精神出现了,无论任何错误都无法抗衡它。

在《独立宣言》签署之后,弗吉尼亚州的政治家约翰·佩齐曾给托马斯·杰弗逊写信说:"我们知道,身手敏捷不一定就能赢得比赛,力量强大不一定就能赢得战争。难道这一切不都是上帝安排的吗?"

杰斐逊就任总统的那个年代离我们已经很远了。时光飞逝,美国发生了翻天覆地的变化。但是有一点他肯定能够预知,即我们这个时代的主题仍然是:我们国家无畏向前的恢宏 故事 和它追求尊严的纯朴梦想。

我们不是这个故事的作者,是杰斐逊作者本人的伟大理想穿越时空,并通过我们每天的努力在变为现实。我们正在通过大家的努力在履行着各自的职责。

带着永不疲惫、永不气馁、永不完竭的信念,今天我们重树这样的目标:使我们的国家变得更加公正、更加慷慨,去验证我们每个人和所有人生命的尊严。

这项工作必须继续下去。这个故事必须延续下去。上帝会驾驭我们航行的。

愿上帝保佑大家!愿上帝保佑美国!

Following one of the most controversial presidential elections in United States history, newly elected president George W. Bush gave the following inaugural address on January 20, 2001, in Washington, D.C. After thanking his opponent in the election, Democratic vice president Al Gore,“for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace,” the Republican Bush went on to echo many of the themes of his campaign, including his philosophy of “compassionate conservatism.(温情保守主义)”

President Clinton, distinguished guests, and my fellow citizens, the peaceful transfer of authority is rare in history, yet common in our country. With a simple oath, we affirm old traditions and make new beginnings.

As I begin, I thank President Clinton for his service to our nation.

And I thank Vice President Gore for a contest conducted with spirit and ended with grace.

I am honored and humbled to stand here, where so many of America's leaders have come before me, and so many will follow.

We have a place, all of us, in a long story—a story we continue, but whose end we will not see. It is the story of a new world that became a friend and liberator of the old, a story of a slave-holding society that became a servant of freedom, the story of a power that went into the world to protect but not possess, to defend but not to conquer.

It is the American story—a story of flawed and fallible people, united across the generations by grand and enduring ideals.

The grandest of these ideals is an unfolding American promise that everyone belongs, that everyone deserves a chance, that no insignificant person was ever born.

Americans are called to enact this promise in our lives and in our laws. And though our nation has sometimes halted, and sometimes delayed, we must follow no other course.

Through much of the last century, America's faith in freedom and democracy was a rock in a raging sea. Now it is a seed upon the wind, taking root in many nations.

Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass along. And even after nearly 225 years, we have a long way yet to travel.

While many of our citizens prosper, others doubt the promise, even the justice, of our own country. The ambitions of some Americans are limited by failing schools and hidden prejudice and the circumstances of their birth. And sometimes our differences run so deep, it seems we share a continent, but not a country.

We do not accept this, and we will not allow it. Our unity, our union, is the serious work of leaders and citizens in every generation. And this is my solemn pledge: I will work to build a single nation of justice and opportunity.

I know this is in our reach because we are guided by a power larger than ourselves who creates us equal in His image.

And we are confident in principles that unite and lead us onward.

America has never been united by blood or birth or soil. We are bound by ideals that move us beyond our backgrounds, lift us above our interests and teach us what it means to be citizens. Every child must be taught these principles. Every citizen must uphold them. And every immigrant, by embracing these ideals, makes our country more, not less, American.

Today we affirm a new commitment to live out our nation's promise through civility, courage, compassion, and character.

America, at its best, matches a commitment to principle with a concern for civility. A civil society demands from each of us good will and respect, fair dealing and forgiveness.

Some seem to believe that our politics can afford to be petty because, in a time of peace, the stakes of our debates appear small.

But the stakes for America are never small. If our country does not lead the cause of freedom, it will not be led. If we do not turn the hearts of children toward knowledge and character, we will lose their gifts and undermine their idealism. If we permit our economy to drift and decline, the vulnerable will suffer most.

We must live up to the calling we share. Civility is not a tactic or a sentiment. It is the determined choice of trust over cynicism, of community over chaos. And this commitment, if we keep it, is a way to shared accomplishment.

America, at its best, is also courageous.

Our national courage has been clear in times of depression and war, when defending common dangers defined our common good. Now we must choose if the example of our fathers and mothers will inspire us or condemn us. We must show courage in a time of blessing by confronting problems instead of passing them on to future generations.

Together, we will reclaim America's schools, before ignorance and apathy claim more young lives.

We will reform Social Security and Medicare, sparing our children from struggles we have the power to prevent. And we will reduce taxes, to recover the momentum of our economy and reward the effort and enterprise of working Americans.

We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.

We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.

The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom. We will defend our allies and our interests. We will show purpose without arrogance. We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength. And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.

America, at its best, is compassionate. In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nation's promise.

And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault. Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.

And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.

Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities. And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.

Government has great responsibilities for public safety and public health, for civil rights and common schools. Yet compassion is the work of a nation, not just a government.

And some needs and hurts are so deep they will only respond to a mentor's touch or a pastor's prayer. Church and charity, synagogue and mosque lend our communities their humanity, and they will have an honored place in our plans and in our laws.

Many in our country do not know the pain of poverty, but we can listen to those who do.

And I can pledge our nation to a goal: When we see that wounded traveler on the road to Jericho, we will not pass to the other side.

America, at its best, is a place where personal responsibility is valued and expected.

Encouraging responsibility is not a search for scapegoats, it is a call to conscience. And though it requires sacrifice, it brings a deeper fulfillment. We find the fullness of life not only in options, but in commitments. And we find that children and community are the commitments that set us free.

Our public interest depends on private character, on civic duty and family bonds and basic fairness, on uncounted, unhonored acts of decency which give direction to our freedom.

Sometimes in life we are called to do great things. But as a saint of our times has said, every day we are called to do small things with great love. The most important tasks of a democracy are done by everyone.

I will live and lead by these principles: to advance my convictions with civility, to pursue the public interest with courage, to speak for greater justice and compassion, to call for responsibility and try to live it as well.

In all these ways, I will bring the values of our history to the care of our times.

What you do is as important as anything government does. I ask you to seek a common good beyond your comfort; to defend needed reforms against easy attacks; to serve your nation, beginning with your neighbor. I ask you to be citizens: citizens, not spectators; citizens, not subjects; responsible citizens, building communities of service and a nation of character.

Americans are generous and strong and decent, not because we believe in ourselves, but because we hold beliefs beyond ourselves. When this spirit of citizenship is missing, no government program can replace it. When this spirit is present, no wrong can stand against it.

After the Declaration of Independence was signed, Virginia statesman John Page wrote to Thomas Jefferson: “We know the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong. Do you not think an angel rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm?”

Much time has passed since Jefferson arrived for his inauguration. The years and changes accumulate. But the themes of this day he would know: our nation's grand story of courage and its simple dream of dignity.

We are not this story's author, who fills time and eternity with his purpose. Yet his purpose is achieved in our duty, and our duty is fulfilled in service to one another.

Never tiring, never yielding, never finishing, we renew that purpose today, to make our country more just and generous, to affirm the dignity of our lives and every life.

This work continues. This story goes on. And an angel still rides in the whirlwind and directs this storm.

God bless you all, and God bless America.

猜你还感兴趣的:

1. 美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿中英文

2. 美国总统布什就职演讲稿英文

3. 小布什就职演讲稿中英版

4. 奥巴马就职演讲的评价

5. 布什就职演说(英文版)

就职演讲英文

343 评论(11)

天天爱小狐狸

Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You speech Inaugural Address by John F. Kennedy January 20th 1961IntroductionOn a frigid Winter's day, January 20, 1961, John Fitzgerald Kennedy took the oath of office as the 35th President of the United States. At age 43, he was the youngest man and the first Roman Catholic ever elected. He had won by one of the smallest margins of victory, only 115,000 popular votes. This is the speech he delivered announcing the dawn of a new era as young Americans born in the 20th century first assumed leadership of the Nation.Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You speech Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom - symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning - signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe - the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans - born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage - and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.This much we pledge - and more.To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do - for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom - and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required - not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge - to convert our good words into good deeds - in a new alliance for progress - to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support - to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective - to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak - and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course - both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.So let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belabouring those problems which divide us.Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms - and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah - to "undo the heavy burdens -. and to let the oppressed go free."And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavour, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.Now the trumpet summons us again - not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are - but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation" - a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility - I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country.My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You speechInaugural Address by John F. Kennedy - January 20th 1961

130 评论(12)

大尾巴喵姬

Vice PresidentJohnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice PresidentNixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:We observe todaynot a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, aswell as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have swornbefore you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearlya century and three-quarters ago.我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利,而是一次自由的庆典;它象征着结束,也象征着开始;意味着更新,也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。 The world isvery different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish allforms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the samerevolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue aroundthe globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity ofthe state, but from the hand of God.现今世界已经很不同了,因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念,在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人权并非来自政府的慷慨施与,而是上帝所赐。 We dare notforget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word goforth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch hasbeen passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, temperedby war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage,and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights towhich this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committedtoday at home and around the world.我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人,让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友,并且也告诉我们的敌人,这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人,他们出生在本世纪,经历过战争的锻炼,受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶,以我们的古代传统自豪,而且不愿目睹或容许人权逐步被褫夺。对于这些人权我国一向坚贞不移,当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。 Let every nationknow, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear anyburden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure thesurvival and the success of liberty.让每一个国家知道,不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏,我们将付出任何代价,忍受任何重负,应付任何艰辛,支持任何朋友,反对任何敌人,以确保自由的存在与实现。 This much wepledge -- and more.这是我们矢志不移的事--而且还不止此。 To those oldallies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty offaithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures.Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challengeat odds and split asunder.对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦,我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结,则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂,我们则无可作为,因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下,是不敢应付强大挑战的。 To those newstates whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that oneform of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by afar more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting ourview. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their ownfreedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought powerby riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,我们要提出保证,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点,但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。 To those peoplein the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds ofmass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, forwhatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, notbecause we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannothelp the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保证尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。 To our sisterrepublics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our goodwords into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men andfree governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peacefulrevolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all ourneighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversionanywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphereintends to remain the master of its own house.对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。 To that worldassembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an agewhere the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, werenew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum forinvective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge thearea in which its writ may run.至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。 Finally, tothose nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledgebut a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the darkpowers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned oraccidental self-destruction.最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保证,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。 We dare nottempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubtcan we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时,我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。 But neither cantwo great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course-- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmedby the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter thatuncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.可是这两个强有力的国家集团,谁也不能对当前的趋势放心--双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担,双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇,可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡,而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。 So let us beginanew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, andsincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, butlet us never fear to negotiate.因此让我们重新开始,双方都应记住,谦恭并非懦弱的征象,而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。 Let both sidesexplore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems whichdivide us.让双方探究能使我们团结在一起的是什么问题,而不要虚耗心力于使我们分裂的问题。 Let both sides,for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspectionand control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nationsunder the absolute control of all nations.让双方首次制订有关视察和管制武器的真诚而确切的建议,并且把那足以毁灭其它国家的漫无限制的力量置于所有国家的绝对管制之下。 Let both sidesseek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let usexplore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the oceandepths, and encourage the arts and commerce.让双方都谋求激发科学的神奇力量而不是科学的恐怖因素。让我们联合起来去探索星球,治理沙漠,消除疾病,开发海洋深处,并鼓励艺术和商务。 Let both sidesunite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to"undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."? And, if abeachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sidesjoin in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new worldof law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peacepreserved.让双方携手在世界各个角落遵循以赛亚的命令,去「卸下沉重的负担……(并)让被压迫者得自由。如果建立合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,那么,让双方联合作一次新的努力吧,这不是追求新的权力均衡,而是建立一个新的法治世界,在那世界上强者公正,弱者安全,和平在握。 All this willnot be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in thefirst one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor evenperhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.凡此种种不会在最初的一百天中完成,不会在最初的一千天中完成,不会在本政府任期中完成,甚或也不能在我们活在地球上的毕生期间完成。但让我们开始。 n your hands, my fellow citizens, more thanmine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this countrywas founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimonyto its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call toservice surround the globe.同胞们,我们事业的最后成效,主要不是掌握在我手里,而是操在你们手中。自从我国建立以来,每一代的美国人都曾应召以验证其对国家的忠诚。响应此项召唤而服军役的美国青年人的坟墓遍布全球各处。 Now the trumpetsummons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as acall to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of along twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patientin tribulation,"?a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny,poverty, disease, and war itself.现在那号角又再度召唤我们--不是号召我们肩起武器,虽然武器是我们所需要的;不是号召我们去作战,虽然我们准备应战;那是号召我们年复一年肩负起持久和胜败未分的斗争,「在希望中欢乐,在患难中忍耐」;这是一场对抗人类公敌--暴政、贫困、疾病以及战争本身--的斗争。 Can we forgeagainst these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East andWest, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join inthat historic effort?我们能否结成一个遍及东西南北的全球性伟大联盟来对付这些敌人,来确保全人类享有更为富裕的生活?你们是否愿意参与这历史性的努力? In the longhistory of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role ofdefending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from thisresponsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchangeplaces with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith,the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all whoserve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.在世界的悠久历史中,只有很少几个世代的人赋有这种在自由遭遇最大危机时保卫自由的任务。我决不在这责任之前退缩;我欢迎它。我不相信我们中间会有人愿意跟别人及别的世代交换地位。我们在这场努力中所献出的精力、信念与虔诚、将照亮我们的国家以及所有为国家服务的人,而从这一火焰所聚出的光辉必能照明全世界。 And so, myfellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can dofor your country.所以,同胞们:不要问你们的国家能为你们做些什么,而要问你们能为国家做些什么。 My fellowcitizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what togetherwe can do for the freedom of man全世界的公民:不要问美国愿为你们做些什么,而应问我们在一起能为人类的自由做些什么。 Finally, whetheryou are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the samehigh standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a goodconscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, letus go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, butknowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.最后,不管你是美国的公民或世界它国的公民,请将我们所要求于你们的有关力量与牺牲的高标准拿来要求我们。我们唯一可靠的报酬是问心无愧,我们行为的最后裁判者是历史,让我们向前引导我们所挚爱的国土,企求上帝的保佑与扶携,但我们知道,在这个世界上,上帝的任务肯定就是我们自己所应肩负的任务。

175 评论(15)

相关问答